sarahs mum said:
No Cashless Debit Card Australia
28 mins ·
🚨ADELAIDE UNIVERSITY EVALUATION REPORT FEEDBACK POST:
Ok, here is a brief run down on the major points contained in the AU evaluation. I am still compiling and cross referencing.
I will leave my opinion to the end, except to say that even as is, this report DOES confirm and validate what we, and a multitude of groups, grassroots, social welfare, aboriginal/non aboriginal orgs, political and community have been saying for years – that the CDC is having little to no positive or constructive impact for the majority and is indeed having seriously deleterious effects ( bad impacts).
This AU report is extremely limited, at times contradictory, and while a clear explanation of methodologies is given, many of the caveats are irrelevant, and those that are critically relevant are not emphasised as being such or are needlessly word salad.
Conceding that AU had to design a evaluation tool as they went, it is ‘sufficient’ yet some major issues have been left unexamined ie: mortality.
Under legislation the key question that Adelaide University was required by law to answer in their conclusion was – “Is the program fit for purpose and expansion? Yet this question is not even answered at all and this is either a MAJOR oversight by this team OR this information and conclusions have been removed by the department in its ‘editing process’.
HINKLER trial site is not included in this evaluation, despite again, their inclusion being part of the legislated requirement for evaluation prior to any expansion.
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▶️ Total number of forced card holders that were evaluated: 1,963.
At time of evaluation in the three sites there were 5,716 CDC participants, including 1,355 individuals currently recorded as living ‘out of area’. Only the first three sites where evaluated.
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THE DATA:
▶️ CDC Benefit:
7% – Number of people who expressed a “ positive personal view about the CDC policy
▶️ Alcohol/Drinking:
Overall, the alcohol data is as a clear as mud.
The report states:
● 75% of people had not reduced alcohol drunk at all.
● 8% of people who did drink, drank monthly or less.
● 5% ( max percentage shown) drank more than 4 times a week.
● 46% – Number of people reporting they never consumed alcohol before or during “trials”.
● 11% – Total percentage of people who reported drinking ( not to excess) who reported a change or reduction in drinking habits
● 6 – the total number of people who stopped drinking after being put on the card, with the report stating this result could have been for any one of a dozen reasons or policies in place.
To their credit, evaluators have noted in item 5.1.2.1 that the minor reductions in drinking noted could be from other reasons and policy/ policing impacts than CDC. Even so, they ( or department editors) still try to push government line by stating “ This means that, notwithstanding the important interpretation caveat about the potential impacts of concurrent policies, at the time of the survey between a third and a half of the total CDC participant population surveyed and who consumed alcohol, have changed the way they do this.”
This statement is extremely misleading if not approval seeking, as it fails to take into account non CDC spending and non problem drinkers, and their own quantitative data ( the numbers) clearly show little to no change in drinking behaviors among CDC forced participants overall. Its a word salad, written to appease government in the face of abject policy failure, it doesn’t stand up to scrutiny.
As there is also no data offered that evaluated those who are just ‘swapping witch for bitch’ meaning what percentage of active problem drinkers that turned to drugs as a replacement for alcohol, what this ‘caveat’ speaks to, is that those 11% of people who did reduce or change drinking behavior were capable of doing so, and chose to do so, and never had a ‘problem’ with alcohol or stopping drinking at all.
This report specifically doesn’t specify how many of these people were “problem” drinkers or entered some form of treatment. There is NO quantitative data from ANY service or rehab center in this report at all. A HUGE absence.
“ There is a large majority of people in this evaluation who report that they do not drink at all, or who drink only moderately. It is important to note that when it comes to the behavioural responses that the CDC aims at regarding alcohol, this large majority of the CDC participants has nothing to do with the behavioural change (of reducing alcohol consumption, especially the misuse of alcohol) the CDC seeks to achieve. The qualitative research highlights the frustration these people feel in being subjected to the same constraints which aim to reduce problematic drinking (see section 5.9 and section 6.3.3). “ – evaluation team
Again:
“ Depending on the definition and the method of risk assessment used, there were between one in 10 and two in 10 CDC participants who reported the problematic drinking behaviours the CDC aims to influence” – evaluation team.
Yet despite this they go on to say:
Evaluators state that “around a fifth of the CDC population in the three trial sites considered by this evaluation have reported high level problem drinking behaviours that the CDC aims to reduce.41”
So, in one page we go from 1/10th, to 1/5th without any clarification.
Yep…clear as mud!
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▶️ Financial benefit:
● 50% total number of people who used to be able to save, reporting they were unable to save money on the card.
● For every ONE person who stated they experienced an improvement there were TWO who with a worse financial outcome.
“CDC participants’ ability to save money deteriorated with about 50 per cent of those who used to be able to save money, reporting that they could not do so anymore.”
● Table 5-10: three out of four CDC participants reported they are in a similar financial position to the one they were 12 months prior to card roll outs. Of the remaining 1/4, two thirds reported financial situation to be worse, and one third a change for the better.
● Little to no real world financial impact data has been recorded here. By that I mean that there is NO indue data on declines of the card at all, and no data on the impact of IBAN/TT fees and charges, limitations on shopping etc on people on cards.. All the the truly tragic impacts – unable to bury kids, attend funerals or but medical supplies have seemingly been ignored completely or has been removed. There is no data or feed back from Banks or small business either.
▶️ Child welfare:
● +80% – when combined, responses of worse + same, the result is over 80% (See Table 5-17)
Noting the absurd absence of school data, child health data, any clinical data at all in the report.
On child welfare and family well-being – the quantitative ( numbers) data highlights the negative issues while the qualitative data ( opinions) which included stakeholder perceptions was more positive. Talk about shine a turd!
▶️ Gambling:
● 21% of all trial sites reported problems gambling
● 14% – total number of people who gambled before CDC – 80% gambled less than once per month.
● 76% – total reporting “ no change” to Gambling in CDC trial sites.
● AGGRESSIVE POLICING IMPACT: “Furthermore, it was noted by some respondents that the local police had become more active in breaking up card games which were held in parklands and moving these people on. Occurring concurrently with the CDC, this intervention was strongly felt to be impacting upon the occurrence of public gambling. “ – evaluation team
▶️ Safety:
● One notable result: Goldfields: 50% feel less safe at night, while 31-35% feel less safe during the day.
● “173 people experienced a reduced sense of safety in the home during the day since the card was introduced compared to 2092 people who reported no change in their sense of safety. 1387 people reported a reduced sense of safety in their home at night compared to 1968 people who reported their safety was unchanged. polling their sense of safety at the time of interview …” – evaluation team
▶️ Crime:
● Domestic Violence increased in all sites, even after they changed the definition of DV.
● Assault and Robbery increased in all sites
● Fraud and black market increased in all sites
● AGAIN crime data supplied does not state if perpetrators or victims were on the card or a centrelink payment so is again quite meaningless except in general terms of outcomes and increases in crime as shown above.
▶️ Employment:
● 5.10.22: 80% of unemployed people on the CDC cited disability, illness or caring responsibilities for not having a job.
● 8.3.1: A main overall finding of the evaluation on the employment front has been that to date and across the first three trial sites, the CDC has had little impact on employment outcomes.”
▶️ STIGMA:
● 97% – Combined number of people reporting discrimination, embarrassment and unfairness being on the card. ( 4 out of 5 people)
● 5.9.1 Key findings : “Overall, 75, 73 and 75 per cent ( across the 3 sites respectively) of CDC participants reported that they felt discriminated against, embarrassed about being on the Card or that being on the Card was not fair, respectively.
● IMPORTANTLY —— The qualitative evidence corroborated the quantitative findings. They both highlighted the large proportion of CDC participants who felt embarrassed, stigmatised and unfairly targeted by the policy.
“Both methodologies also pointed towards such feelings being widespread among all demographic groups making up the CDC population” – evaluation team
▶️ OTHER KEY POINTS:
● Page 161 covers the examples of stigma and shame being experienced – and how it’s impacting children :- it is heartbreaking.
● 8.3.1: “The evaluation found some evidence that aspects of the CDC a have been improving but found no systemic evidence either that the CDC is improving outcomes as it matures or that the CDC participants are getting more used it to or that they dislike it less after they have been on it for longer”.
● 5.2.3: “Despite the restrictions imposed by the Card, many CDC participants with an addiction were described as still managing to find the funds to support their habit. “
● 8.2.5: Over 50% People on CDC reporting that their control over their lives and autonomy had reduced.
● 5.12: The well known problems with transient populations getting trapped on the card when they visit card zones and return home where there’s no infrastructure or support is noted here. At least they’ve picked that up and highlighted the problem. This shows the cultural rights of Aboriginal people are being impeded due to length of stay in card zones, and confirms our report that centrelink staff have been putting people who DON’T live in card roll out zones on the card illegally/ contrary to legislated rollout locations.
● 5.11.1: are the key stakeholder findings – it shows that CDC increased their funding and therefore enriched them all by way of paid employment, created a captive market of people forced onto the CDC which then justifies the stakeholder’s existence and all that money they received, and as a result of the frustrations experienced by those very CDC captives – the stakeholders felt their staff safety was at risk 🤔 this is like a tik tok moment – it’s quite literally insane.
● Mental health impacts for stakeholders and forced trial participants related to CDC-induced aggression – so basically it’s being acknowledged that the CDC has caused mental health problems leading to aggression – and the stakeholders are whining about the consequences. VERY Little MH data in this report at all which is NOT ok given that MH decline is one of the largest reported impacts.
▶️ Notes:
● The report clearly shows worsening outcomes for non indigenous respondents and a majority of indigenous respondents with a spattering of improvement seen in predominantly people identifying as aboriginal who could have taken up full IM under Basics Cards anyway. No wonder they kept Hinkler out of this evaluation!
Given these findings show that what little improvements that can be found have been reported from aboriginal participants, and decreases in quality of life from non aboriginal populations, these findings are going to have huge implications for the Hinkler trial zone given the different racial makeup of participants there.
These outcomes essentially reflect the racial divide of the card and rather than lift everyone – some Indigenous participants have had minor “improvements” while non-indigenous participants have been dragged down. What did Morrison say – “we don’t believe in lifting some at the expense of others?” – that lie can be put to bed as they most certainly are doing just that.
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▶️ Oped:
To be honest as a person with 3 degrees a dissertation and 24 years of research behind me, and given the cost ( $2.5 million) and the time given ( 2018-2021) I’m disappointed and not impressed. I feel for the team tasked with this nightmare job, but I can’t allow that emotion to whitewash the evidence and the lack of evidence and the lack of qualified commentary on the efficacy of the policy.
This is another heavily ‘caveated’ ramble of program justifying mostly qualitative data, with some weak quantitative data thrown in, most of which ultimately serves no overall function but to highlight what is already known data.
Every question I wanted answered is not answered here and with data from both government and Indue not even included…well..it is what it is.
I do concede that AU did give primacy of focus to the legislated objectives as written, a good thing, however almost every caveat, if not the premise of the entire report avoided comparison of data to those objectives.
Overall, AU was still relying solely on an unqualified (LNP) ASSUMPTION that people on centrelink are ‘problem’ drinkers and child neglecting payment wasting drug taking individuals.
No challenge is made to that assumption in this report such as political motivations for the card etc, and its conclusions are fretful, fearful and unclear, potentially demonstrating the mindset of the team involved and fear of potential repercussions.
At least this one of few graphs shows a definitive reality that the greater majority of people both Aboriginal and non Aboriginal DO want OFF the CDC in the three sites examined. That slip of a data point matters as it shows that benefiting or not, people want off.
Sadly, irresponsibly, not one set of impacts reported to Senate including death, injury, loss or any other detailed CDC impact statement has been included in this report, not one service group data set appears, not even hospital or clinic data and NO Indue decline data etc..nothing.
A big reminder to all that this report does not include a single mention or statistic from Hinkler trial site – Hinkler zone is the largest group of people on cards now.
In Ceduna, less than 800 people are on cards, East Kim less than 2500, and in Goldfields less than 3000, in Hinkler numbers are well over 6000 people.
- Amanda.
NCDCA policy analyst and research grunt.
I think the thing is that most Australians think it can’t happen to them, but it will. The Indue Card makes a lot of money.
It is predicated on Australia’s enduring racist beliefs about Indigenous Australians. It also plays on Non-Indigenous Australians cultural identity predicated on the denial of the longest continuous civilisations. When I was at University doing some studies at the beginning, one woman dropped out because she couldn’t get the things she needed for her studies. So it blocks access to buying a whole range of things that folks wouldn’t believe.
And it has increased violence against Indigenous women as well. Aboriginal women are 34 times more likely to be victims of domestic violence and now they have this as well. It beggars belief.
In the communities where the drinking is a problem they can give the money to the Aunties and collectively pool it, that has worked in several communities. When local mobs make decisions things do change. It is interesting where this turned up and the companies that wanted access to those lands as well.
Submission to UN regarding Cashless Welfare 16/5/19 By Nijole Naujokas
The introduction of “Income Management” in the Northern Territory in 2007 was introduced by the LNP Howard government under the guise of the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER). Using the justification from the “Little Children Are Sacred” report in April 2007, the government used the issues raised of child protection and substance abuse to introduce a form of social security payment that was restricted to 50% cash. This restriction of 50% of income meant that half a person’s money was put into a Basics Card account which restricted the purchase of alcoholic beverages, tobacco products, pornographic material, home brew concentrates and home brew kits, gift cards and gambling services. It was also supposed to stop the process of ‘humbugging’ where family members might pressure social security recipients to give money.
To introduce this measure the Howard government had to suspend part of the Racial Discrimination Act. It was accepted that the vast majority of people who would be affected by the Basics Card would be Indigenous. The roll out of the Basics Card was incredibly quick for government standards. Little consultation was had with the Indigenous communities affected and as it was a blanket measure many people were put onto Income Management who had no trouble with their finances or managing their money.
In 2010 under the Rudd Labor government, the program was expanded to include the rest of the Northern Territory and Social Security recipients who were deemed “at risk.” The terminology of this was open to interpretation. When you judge a person’s ability to manage money on a very low payment below the poverty line, is this a reason to restrict their money further? The Basics Card was then further expanded in 2012 under the Gillard Labor government to other areas of Australia: Bankstown, NSW, Logan, Qld, Rockhampton, Qld, Playford, SA and Greater Shepparton, Vic.
As one of the activists who was incredibly concerned about the introduction of the Basics Card in Playford, South Australia, I was witness to the many arguments put forth by bureaucrats in government who claimed it would only affect those who “couldn’t manage their money” and those who were put on for Child Protection reasons. Activists from Socialist Alliance and other organisations held information nights in the local areas of Elizabeth and raised concerns about the expansion of the Basics Card, and further rolling out of the program to all welfare recipients, severely reducing the autonomy of clients. Concerns about access to cash for large purchases like washing machines or car repairs, the ability to buy second hand goods and clothing, and the ability to save money by buying market produce were all raised concerns. This was met with outright derision and hostility from government bureaucrats and certain Non- Government organisations, who accused activists of “spreading fear in the community over nothing”. In one particular meeting there was a member of the audience who stood up and said that we were “causing fear for no reason, spreading misinformation, and this will only affect those who cannot manage their money.” We found out later that particular audience member was from Anglicare, (who had not introduced themselves) and that they had won a financial counselling contract from the government to provide financial counselling services to those on the Basics Card. At the very least this was a conflict of interest.
I was heavily involved in numerous community meetings and demonstrations against the Basics Card, and unfortunately us activists saw every single one of our “unfounded fears and misinformation” become true. A group of activists and community members including myself founded the group “Stop Income Management in Playford” (SIMPLA) and held weekly meetings to discuss the emerging issues. The Basics Card was expanded further in 2013 to the categories of “Unreasonable to Live at Home Allowance” for young people and for people who had recently come out of jail and under 25. This massively expanded the pool of welfare recipients on the card, and caused multiple issues for young people especially. The “Unreasonable To Live At Home” allowance is for young people who cannot live with their parents due to relationship breakdown, family violence, or being classed independent as wards of the state. Some of these young people had been managing their own money for years with great success. To then be told “you are not capable” was incredibly distressing and demoralising for them. One young person on the card told us “My family thought the Basics card was only for people who gamble or drink. I did neither. They didn’t understand why I was on it.” This same participant was forced to use the Basics Card for her rent, but an administration error with her Basics Card payments put her in arrears in her rent for the first time in her life. The added stress of card malfunctions was another key experience of people put on the card. The machine in the Munno Parra Shopping centre to check the Basics Card balance was frequently broken, making it very difficult to check remaining funds. Other people felt shame and stigma using the card at shops, with one ignorant shop clerk refusing to let a young man buy a chocolate box for his mother as she wrongly thought “he wasn’t allowed to” on the card.
This is one of the key problems with the Basics Card and Income Management in general, including the more recent incarnation the “Cashless Welfare Card” introduced in 2016. It is bizarre that a businessman billionaire, Andrew ‘Twiggy’ Forrest, recommended the Cashless Welfare Card with NO social work experience and was commissioned by the Abbott LNP government to make a report on equality and poverty issues. The stigma and visibility of the cards seems to embolden others in the community to discriminate and insult welfare recipients. The immediate assumption is that a person on these types of payment cannot manage money. In reality this is a pure ideological myth: a way to demonise those who are unemployed or single parents. As an activist who has been involved in actions against Income Management, I have not heard one case of where someone on the card then magically “found a job” or had their lives improve in any way. It does not address deep seated community issues of substance abuse, violence, school attendance or well-being for those on it. Monash University’s report “The Place-based Income Management Trial in Shepparton: A best practice model for evaluation” notes the negative effects of the Basics Card during this period:
“Main Negative Outcome Findings
A major negative impact is that many people have felt disempowered, embarrassed and ashamed at being subject to income management, especially when shopping. Some people have experienced practical problems in using the Basics Card such as it not being accepted at a wide range of outlets and not being able to easily check the card’s balance. Other limitations of income management are that it has not necessarily helped with keeping children engaged with school and some people are not necessarily managing their finances any better (FaHCSIA 2008; AIHW 2010; ORIMA Research 2010; KPMG 2010; National Partnership Agreement for Closing the Gap in the Northern Territory2011; Bray et al 2012).There are concerns that people may become reliant on income management as a tool for managing their finances rather than being able to rely on their own skills (ORIMA Research 2010: 14 & 15;Bray et al2012: 261). There has not been a large uptake in using financial management support services to learn financial management skills (ORIMA Research 2010: 13;Bray et al2012:105 & 106). The ORIMA research said that 15 per cent of those on child protection income management who did not attend financial counselling cited, ‘not needing money management skills when having their money income managed’ as a reason for not using financial management services (ORIMA Research 2011: 13 & 14). The KPMG and SPRC evaluations note that there is no clear pathway between managing money responsibly and exiting from income management (KPMG 2010: 85; Bray et al 2012: 257). (Page 23).
Putting aside the horrible social and mental effects of Income Management, another worrying aspect is the disturbing lack of privacy for individuals forced onto the scheme. The private right to bank with whoever one chooses is removed for welfare recipients. Their information and also their funds do not have banking protection as Indue, the company who administers the Cashless Welfare Card, is not a bank. The transferral of valid cash amounts from Indue to a cash account (which the Department allows) can attract “transfer fees” of $10 and can take up to 28 days. There has been constant reports from those on the “Indue” Cashless Welfare Card which is the latest incarnation of Income Management, that their card will not work regularly in shops and sporting venues for their children, severely affecting their quality of life as they must go without groceries and essentials. To be refused at the counter of a shop where you are trying to buy life essentials is a humiliating, dehumanising process. The recent Indue blackout in Bundaberg caused massive problems for Centrelink recipients, with people unable to buy food, nappies and formula for their children.
The collation of welfare recipient data through the Income Management policy amounts to a mass social experiment that does not have consent from participants. This is a violation of human rights, to have the right to determine one’s own purchases and keep one’s own money in whatever bank they choose, to spend on purchases without the scrutiny of massive private corporations, to be able to choose how to manage one’s own funds as an adult. This kind of toxic, discriminatory, venomous policy must be stopped. Welfare recipients are not lab rats and they did not consent to these stripping of human rights. Witnessing the distress of people who have been forced onto the card is a kind of helpless despair activists witness. We see the mental health toll and feel the rage of people who just don’t understand why they are being treated like irresponsible toddlers.
We urge the United Nations to recognise Income Management and the blanket application of it onto welfare recipients as a violation of human rights, and ask the United Nations to condemn the policy.