Date: 26/02/2021 21:27:54
From: dv
ID: 1702963
Subject: China Politics

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/02/25/europe/netherlands-china-xinjiang-genocide-intl-hnk/index.html

Dutch parliament becomes second in a week to accuse China of genocide in Xinjiang

The Dutch parliament on Thursday passed a non-binding motion saying the treatment of the Uyghur Muslim minority in China amounts to genocide, the first such move by a European country.

Activists and United Nations rights experts say at least one million Muslims are being detained in camps in the remote western region of Xinjiang. The activists and some Western politicians accuse China of using torture, forced labor and sterilizations.
China denies any human rights abuses in Xinjiang and says its camps provide vocational training and are needed to fight extremism.

“A genocide on the Uyghur minority is occurring in China,” the Dutch motion said, stopping short of directly saying that the Chinese government was responsible.
The Chinese Embassy in The Hague said on Thursday any suggestion of a genocide in Xinjiang was an “outright lie” and the Dutch parliament had “deliberately smeared China and grossly interfered in China’s internal affairs.”

Canada passed a non-binding resolution labeling China’s treatment of the Uyghurs genocide earlier this week.
The Dutch motion said that actions by the Chinese government such as “measures intended to prevent births” and “having punishment camps” fell under United Nations Resolution 260, generally known as the genocide convention.
Prime Minister Mark Rutte’s conservative VVD party voted against the resolution.

Foreign Minister Stef Blok said the government did not want to use the term genocide, as the situation has not been declared as such by the United Nations or by an international court.
“The situation of the Uyghurs is a cause of great concern”, Blok told reporters after the motion was passed, adding that the Netherlands hoped to work with other nations on the matter.

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 21:36:20
From: poikilotherm
ID: 1702968
Subject: re: China Politics

I like you can burn some Jews and it’s heinous but do it to another ethnic group and it’s politics…

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 21:39:31
From: JudgeMental
ID: 1702971
Subject: re: China Politics

poikilotherm said:


I like you can burn some Jews and it’s heinous but do it to another ethnic group and it’s politics…

I think that was mainly the germans rather than dutch.

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 21:44:48
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1702976
Subject: re: China Politics

poikilotherm said:


I like you can burn some Jews and it’s heinous but do it to another ethnic group and it’s politics…

While the Nazis were busily ‘interning’ Jews and other minorities and political opponents prior to the actual outbreak of war, the extermination campaigns didn’t begin until after the war was well under way.

There’s no evidence (yet) that the Chinese are actually killing these people, but as circumstances may and can change….

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 21:58:33
From: party_pants
ID: 1702983
Subject: re: China Politics

Fuck the Chinese Communist Party!

I’ll read the rest of the thread tomorrow, I’m on FNDC duties tonight.

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 22:12:23
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1702989
Subject: re: China Politics

so what we’re saying is that more specifically, in contrast to other recent similar titles here, this is politics with regard to CHINA and not much of politics in CHINA, staying out of it

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 22:19:34
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1702997
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


so what we’re saying is that more specifically, in contrast to other recent similar titles here, this is politics with regard to CHINA and not much of politics in CHINA, staying out of it

The National People’s Congress is meeting tomorrow. If all the votes aren’t unanimous it will be big news!

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2021 23:04:33
From: mollwollfumble
ID: 1703044
Subject: re: China Politics

> China denies any human rights abuses in Xinjiang and says its camps provide vocational training

That’s OK then.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 18:48:40
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1703706
Subject: re: China Politics

mollwollfumble said:


> China denies any human rights abuses in Xinjiang and says its camps provide vocational training

That’s OK then.

Even Yoda agrees with training

“Good for the mind, training, it is.”

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 19:07:11
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1703719
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


mollwollfumble said:

> China denies any human rights abuses in Xinjiang and says its camps provide vocational training

That’s OK then.

Even Yoda agrees with training

“Good for the mind, training, it is.”

That vocational training is so good that they need high walls, razor wire, and guard towers to keep out the swarms of people who’d like to enrol.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 19:10:28
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1703723
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Tau.Neutrino said:

mollwollfumble said:

> China denies any human rights abuses in Xinjiang and says its camps provide vocational training

That’s OK then.

Even Yoda agrees with training

“Good for the mind, training, it is.”

That vocational training is so good that they need high walls, razor wire, and guard towers to keep out the swarms of people who’d like to enrol.

Indeed, I tried to travel to China to try some re education and they wouldn’t let me citing security concerns.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 19:15:11
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1703726
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


captain_spalding said:

Tau.Neutrino said:

Even Yoda agrees with training

“Good for the mind, training, it is.”

That vocational training is so good that they need high walls, razor wire, and guard towers to keep out the swarms of people who’d like to enrol.

Indeed, I tried to travel to China to try some re education and they wouldn’t let me citing security concerns.

I heard that their re training is way cheaper than other places.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 19:24:08
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1703732
Subject: re: China Politics

Genocide is a crime against humanity.

China is segregating these people, when they could be working in society, not locked up in a de-facto prison.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/02/2021 19:41:57
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1703746
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


Genocide is a crime against humanity.

China is segregating these people, when they could be working in society, not locked up in a de-facto prison.

https://img-9gag-fun.9cache.com/photo/abVzxPE_460sv.mp4

Reply Quote

Date: 23/03/2021 10:34:05
From: dv
ID: 1714083
Subject: re: China Politics

https://www.sbs.com.au/news/us-eu-britain-and-canada-sanction-chinese-officials-for-uighur-human-rights-abuses

The United States, the European Union, Britain and Canada imposed sanctions on Chinese officials on Monday for human rights abuses in Xinjiang, in the first such coordinated Western action against Beijing under new US President Joe Biden.

Beijing hit back immediately with punitive measures against the EU that appeared to be broader, blacklisting European politicians, diplomats and think tanks, including families, and banning their businesses from trading with China.

Reply Quote

Date: 23/03/2021 10:35:17
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1714086
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


https://www.sbs.com.au/news/us-eu-britain-and-canada-sanction-chinese-officials-for-uighur-human-rights-abuses

The United States, the European Union, Britain and Canada imposed sanctions on Chinese officials on Monday for human rights abuses in Xinjiang, in the first such coordinated Western action against Beijing under new US President Joe Biden.

Beijing hit back immediately with punitive measures against the EU that appeared to be broader, blacklisting European politicians, diplomats and think tanks, including families, and banning their businesses from trading with China.

Meh.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/05/2021 12:52:35
From: dv
ID: 1735676
Subject: re: China Politics

China has passed an anti–food waste law that bans diners at restaurants from ordering more than they need, a sweeping and somewhat confusing piece of legislation that could upend the experience of eating out for millions.

The law, which came into effect last week, was part of an anti-food waste campaign that swept across the country last year after Chinese President Xi Jinping called food waste a “distressing” problem that threatened China’s food security. Filming or sharing videos of binge-eating, a type of eating shows known as mukbang, is also prohibited.

https://www.vice.com/en/article/jg88kp/china-bans-food-waste-mukbang

Reply Quote

Date: 9/05/2021 13:00:11
From: roughbarked
ID: 1735677
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


China has passed an anti–food waste law that bans diners at restaurants from ordering more than they need, a sweeping and somewhat confusing piece of legislation that could upend the experience of eating out for millions.

The law, which came into effect last week, was part of an anti-food waste campaign that swept across the country last year after Chinese President Xi Jinping called food waste a “distressing” problem that threatened China’s food security. Filming or sharing videos of binge-eating, a type of eating shows known as mukbang, is also prohibited.

https://www.vice.com/en/article/jg88kp/china-bans-food-waste-mukbang

Best of luck with that Xi.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/05/2021 13:06:01
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 1735678
Subject: re: China Politics

Consider this.
You have to go down a long long way in the Worldometre chart to find China.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/05/2021 13:17:48
From: party_pants
ID: 1735679
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


China has passed an anti–food waste law that bans diners at restaurants from ordering more than they need, a sweeping and somewhat confusing piece of legislation that could upend the experience of eating out for millions.

The law, which came into effect last week, was part of an anti-food waste campaign that swept across the country last year after Chinese President Xi Jinping called food waste a “distressing” problem that threatened China’s food security. Filming or sharing videos of binge-eating, a type of eating shows known as mukbang, is also prohibited.

https://www.vice.com/en/article/jg88kp/china-bans-food-waste-mukbang

Governing a country must be so easy when you can just ban stuff by decree.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:10:12
From: party_pants
ID: 1797860
Subject: re: China Politics

I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:12:09
From: roughbarked
ID: 1797864
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

Serves them right.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:16:01
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1797867
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


party_pants said:

I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

Serves them right.

This is what i said months back.

It’s all very well for China to say that they’re not going to play with us any more, but there is the fact that until Deng Xiao Ping came along with his policies of opening up China to the world, the world got along fairly well without China.

If they’re not careful, the rest of the world may rediscover some of the was that they managed that.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:16:53
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1797868
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

party_pants said:

I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

Serves them right.

This is what i said months back.

It’s all very well for China to say that they’re not going to play with us any more, but there is the fact that until Deng Xiao Ping came along with his policies of opening up China to the world, the world got along fairly well without China.

If they’re not careful, the rest of the world may rediscover some of the was that they managed that.

Was=ways

I think my wireless keyboard might need new batteries.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:17:32
From: roughbarked
ID: 1797869
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


captain_spalding said:

roughbarked said:

Serves them right.

This is what i said months back.

It’s all very well for China to say that they’re not going to play with us any more, but there is the fact that until Deng Xiao Ping came along with his policies of opening up China to the world, the world got along fairly well without China.

If they’re not careful, the rest of the world may rediscover some of the was that they managed that.

Was=ways

I think my wireless keyboard might need new batteries.

Doesn’t it have a cable to recharge?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:18:38
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1797870
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


captain_spalding said:

captain_spalding said:

This is what i said months back.

It’s all very well for China to say that they’re not going to play with us any more, but there is the fact that until Deng Xiao Ping came along with his policies of opening up China to the world, the world got along fairly well without China.

If they’re not careful, the rest of the world may rediscover some of the was that they managed that.

Was=ways

I think my wireless keyboard might need new batteries.

Doesn’t it have a cable to recharge?

No, just takes a couple of AAA batteries. They last a long time.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:20:58
From: roughbarked
ID: 1797872
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

captain_spalding said:

Was=ways

I think my wireless keyboard might need new batteries.

Doesn’t it have a cable to recharge?

No, just takes a couple of AAA batteries. They last a long time.

Yes it doesn’t use a lot of power.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:21:57
From: Michael V
ID: 1797873
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

Good one.

:)

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:25:41
From: party_pants
ID: 1797874
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

we’re

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:26:35
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1797875
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


party_pants said:

I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

we’re

Yes, we certainly are.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2021 11:31:05
From: party_pants
ID: 1797879
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


party_pants said:

party_pants said:

I see that there is a huge electricity crisis in China. Rolling blackouts, factories being asked to close or scale back, aluminium smelters being shut down etc. Part of the reason seems to be a massive spike in coal and gas prices as the world economy struggles to get going again after Covid.

Their ban on Australian coal seems to be exacerbating to issue. They are paying higher prices for lower quality coal, meanwhile were just selling all of our good quality coal to other countries, who are all eager to snap it up given the global supply issues. It is turning into a bit of an own goal by China.

we’re

Yes, we certainly are.

My keyboard is fine, I just need new fingers.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 13:51:29
From: dv
ID: 1799299
Subject: re: China Politics

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 13:53:14
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799301
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:

SCIENCE said:

party_pants said:

SCIENCE said:

Very few of those polled see China as a threat to their way of life and most see Russia as a greater challenge. And while Australia is doubling down on the American alliance, Europeans question the need for America as the big defender.

Yes, this is why the EU or France are a bad choice for a strategic partner for Australia, if they don’t share the same strategic outlook for our region as we do. If they want to avoid the possibility of confronting China or creating a deterrence framework for containing Chinese aggression they are not going to be a good partner for us. If they want to pursue their own Indo-Pacific policy not aligned to the US that’s fine, but they are not really a player with the nations that live here.

oh c’m‘on what’s with all the oppositional defiance, they’re just an overpopulated funny-sounding version of us

https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-58313387

Rape case sparks fury over nation’s work drinking

A high-profile rape allegation at national tech giant company has sparked a social media storm in recent weeks about the “toxic” work culture of pressuring employees to drink at work gatherings. As public scrutiny of corporate misbehaviour grows in nation, can the age-old tradition of business drinking be dropped forever?

According to a female employee’s 11-page account of the incident, which went viral on microblogging platform media last month, she was allegedly raped while unconscious after a “drunken night” on a work trip. Accusing her superiors of ordering her to drink excessively at a business dinner, she said she had woken up later in her hotel room naked, with no recollection of the evening’s events. After obtaining security footage, she said that the manager had gone into her room four times during the night.

But national prosecutors have since dropped the case, with lawyers saying that the “forcible indecency” committed by the man was not a crime. Police said he would remain under detention for 15 days “as punishment”, but the investigation was closed.

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

so it’s true, they really are just an overpopulated funny-sounding version of us

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:01:02
From: Cymek
ID: 1799307
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:07:30
From: Dark Orange
ID: 1799312
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


dv said:

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

Meh. Let them withdraw trade. They’ll be back and we can renegotiate terms.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:16:32
From: Cymek
ID: 1799315
Subject: re: China Politics

Dark Orange said:


Cymek said:

dv said:

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

Meh. Let them withdraw trade. They’ll be back and we can renegotiate terms.

Yes
I wonder if some nations are irony impaired, they are shitted off we are getting nuclear powered subs but its seemingly OK for them to build up militarily quite likely including nuclear weapons

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:17:33
From: sibeen
ID: 1799316
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


dv said:

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

They stopped buying Oz coal, it has worked out magnificently for them.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:20:49
From: Michael V
ID: 1799319
Subject: re: China Politics

sibeen said:


Cymek said:

dv said:

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/04/china/xinjiang-detective-torture-intl-hnk-dst/index.html

Some are just psychopaths’: Chinese detective in exile reveals extent of torture against Uyghurs

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

They stopped buying Oz coal, it has worked out magnificently for them.

Yes. Like a hole in the head.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 14:57:36
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799338
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


sibeen said:

Cymek said:

You offend China speaking the truth, we threaten you or withdraw trade

They stopped buying Oz coal, it has worked out magnificently for them.

Yes. Like a hole in the head.

¿ so … they can breathe the air naturally again ?

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2021 17:55:17
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1799431
Subject: re: China Politics

https://www.theage.com.au/business/banking-and-finance/evergrande-s-fight-for-survival-is-a-threat-to-china-s-shadow-banking-system-20211005-p58xcy.html

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 07:20:39
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799565
Subject: re: China Politics

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-05/india-facing-coal-shortage-could-run-out-of-power-explainer/100516332
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/blackall-wool-scour-could-save-industry-china-power-restrictions/100515678

Apparently When CHINA Shoot Themselves In The Feet With Armour Piercing Rounds Their Legs Are Pointed In The Direction Of Western Pseudodemocracies

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 09:52:48
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1799599
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-05/india-facing-coal-shortage-could-run-out-of-power-explainer/100516332
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/blackall-wool-scour-could-save-industry-china-power-restrictions/100515678

Apparently When CHINA Shoot Themselves In The Feet With Armour Piercing Rounds Their Legs Are Pointed In The Direction Of Western Pseudodemocracies

I have no idea what you’re talking about.

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 09:55:17
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1799600
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


SCIENCE said:

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-05/india-facing-coal-shortage-could-run-out-of-power-explainer/100516332
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/blackall-wool-scour-could-save-industry-china-power-restrictions/100515678

Apparently When CHINA Shoot Themselves In The Feet With Armour Piercing Rounds Their Legs Are Pointed In The Direction Of Western Pseudodemocracies

I have no idea what you’re talking about.

+1

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:22:14
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799791
Subject: re: China Politics

quick now’s our chance ¡ kick ‘em while they’re down

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/china-turns-to-stranded-australian-coal-to-combat-power-crun/100518440

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:27:14
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1799796
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


quick now’s our chance ¡ kick ‘em while they’re down

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/china-turns-to-stranded-australian-coal-to-combat-power-crun/100518440

I’d bet that that story isn’t getting a big run in China.

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:29:03
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799801
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

quick now’s our chance ¡ kick ‘em while they’re down

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/china-turns-to-stranded-australian-coal-to-combat-power-crun/100518440

I’d bet that that story isn’t getting a big run in China.

well supposedly it would last all of 1 day so who knows

maybe West Taiwan should have saved their fossil fuels for The Economy (Must Grow) instead of flying mosquitoes over the tropical Taiwan mainland

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:33:43
From: Cymek
ID: 1799805
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

quick now’s our chance ¡ kick ‘em while they’re down

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/china-turns-to-stranded-australian-coal-to-combat-power-crun/100518440

I’d bet that that story isn’t getting a big run in China.

well supposedly it would last all of 1 day so who knows

maybe West Taiwan should have saved their fossil fuels for The Economy (Must Grow) instead of flying mosquitoes over the tropical Taiwan mainland

I wonder under what circumstances you could fire missiles at them, your likely within your sovereign rights to do so but risk a war if you are the little person

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:37:55
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 1799809
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

I’d bet that that story isn’t getting a big run in China.

well supposedly it would last all of 1 day so who knows

maybe West Taiwan should have saved their fossil fuels for The Economy (Must Grow) instead of flying mosquitoes over the tropical Taiwan mainland

I wonder under what circumstances you could fire missiles at them, your likely within your sovereign rights to do so but risk a war if you are the little person

From what I can gather from listening to the Beeb these so called incursions are actually into international air space.

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 17:48:18
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799818
Subject: re: China Politics

Peak Warming Man said:

Cymek said:

SCIENCE said:

well supposedly it would last all of 1 day so who knows

maybe West Taiwan should have saved their fossil fuels for The Economy (Must Grow) instead of flying mosquitoes over the tropical Taiwan mainland

I wonder under what circumstances you could fire missiles at them, your likely within your sovereign rights to do so but risk a war if you are the little person

From what I can gather from listening to the Beeb these so called incursions are actually into international air space.

hold on there what are we saying ¿ that the Murder Media are trying to start a war in the South China Sea, there’s some deal going on with stealth boats, and military assets are in a location that is being misrepresented ?

Reply Quote

Date: 6/10/2021 18:09:24
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1799828
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


Peak Warming Man said:

Cymek said:

I wonder under what circumstances you could fire missiles at them, your likely within your sovereign rights to do so but risk a war if you are the little person

From what I can gather from listening to the Beeb these so called incursions are actually into international air space.

hold on there what are we saying ¿ that the Murder Media are trying to start a war in the South China Sea, there’s some deal going on with stealth boats, and military assets are in a location that is being misrepresented ?

The Chinese aircraft entered the Taiwanese Air Defence Identification Zone. They did not enter Taiwanese national air space. They were 200 – 300 kms from Taiwan.

Taiwan and China have overlapping ADIZs. These are zones in which aircraft should identify themselves when requested to, and state there purpose for being there when asked.

Australia and a number of other countries also have ADIZs, which extend over ‘international’ air space.

If the Chinese aircraft should enter Taiwanese ‘national’ airspsace (i.e. the airspace above the ‘twelve-mile-limit’ area’) , without invitation or clearance, or without a stated purpose, then the Taiwanese would be within their rights to fire on them.

The Chinese air force has behaved aggressively to aircraft within its ADIZ, with a Chinese fighter colliding with a US EP-3 Orion some years back. This resulted in the loss ofthe Chinese aircraft and pilot, and the emergency landing or the Orion in China.

Reply Quote

Date: 7/10/2021 01:01:43
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799989
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

SCIENCE said:

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-05/india-facing-coal-shortage-could-run-out-of-power-explainer/100516332
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/blackall-wool-scour-could-save-industry-china-power-restrictions/100515678

Apparently When CHINA Shoot Themselves In The Feet With Armour Piercing Rounds Their Legs Are Pointed In The Direction Of Western Pseudodemocracies

I have no idea what you’re talking about.

+1

Reply Quote

Date: 7/10/2021 01:11:33
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1799990
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

Peak Warming Man said:

From what I can gather from listening to the Beeb these so called incursions are actually into international air space.

hold on there what are we saying ¿ that the Murder Media are trying to start a war in the South China Sea, there’s some deal going on with stealth boats, and military assets are in a location that is being misrepresented ?

The Chinese aircraft entered the Taiwanese Air Defence Identification Zone. They did not enter Taiwanese national air space. They were 200 – 300 kms from Taiwan.

Taiwan and China have overlapping ADIZs. These are zones in which aircraft should identify themselves when requested to, and state there purpose for being there when asked.

Australia and a number of other countries also have ADIZs, which extend over ‘international’ air space.

If the Chinese aircraft should enter Taiwanese ‘national’ airspsace (i.e. the airspace above the ‘twelve-mile-limit’ area’) , without invitation or clearance, or without a stated purpose, then the Taiwanese would be within their rights to fire on them.

The Chinese air force has behaved aggressively to aircraft within its ADIZ, with a Chinese fighter colliding with a US EP-3 Orion some years back. This resulted in the loss ofthe Chinese aircraft and pilot, and the emergency landing or the Orion in China.

so

Taiwan and China have overlapping ADIZs. These are zones in which aircraft should identify themselves when requested to, and state there purpose for being there when asked. Australia and a number of other countries also have ADIZs, which extend over ‘international’ air space.

following protocol is news now, we suppose that’s good news, saves a few faces it seems

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-06/biden-xi-jinping-agree-to-abide-by-taiwan-agreement/100518846

Reply Quote

Date: 27/10/2021 16:39:52
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1809186
Subject: re: China Politics

hahahahahahahahaha oh look CHINA ran out of power hahahahahahaha they screwed themselves hahaha oh wait fuck fuck

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-10-27/magnesium-shortage-in-europe-and-us-china-slows-down-supply/100570048

China’s state-run tabloid Global Times says it is “unrealistic” for China to meet the urgent demand for magnesium from Europe, where stocks of the raw material could run out next month. The paper said the magnesium shortage was not a simple issue that could be resolved by increasing production from China. The European market is almost entirely (95 per cent) dependent on China for the supply of magnesium, a key ingredient in aluminium, which is used to make cars and in building supplies, among other things. Magnesium is also used in iron and steel producing.

A magnesium shortage could have widespread impacts across autos, aerospace, iron or steel, chemicals, beer and soft drinks, and consumer goods. “Magnesium’s light weight and strengthening properties make it essential for aluminium alloys (eg sheet used in autos, beverage cans),” they wrote. “It is also used for die-casting auto parts, as a desulphurising agent in steel, to make ductile iron, in chemicals and more.”

guess they’ll need to rely on some other export to bring that money in hmm funnily enough

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 12:19:16
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1814390
Subject: re: China Politics

CHINA, The World’s Biggest Capitalist

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-11-10/how-did-china-singles-day-become-the-biggest-shopping-event/100605768

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:39:20
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1814510
Subject: re: China Politics

Knew It, Comrade Keating Has Been In CHINA’S Palm The Whole Time

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-11-10/paul-keating-plays-down-china-invasion-taiwan/100610102

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:41:56
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1814513
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


Knew It, Comrade Keating Has Been In CHINA’S Palm The Whole Time

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-11-10/paul-keating-plays-down-china-invasion-taiwan/100610102

He’s less a China lover and more an American hater.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:51:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1814522
Subject: re: China Politics

Damn These Capitalist Companies From CHINA And Their … wait

https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/former-tiktok-moderator-asked-to-leave-up-disturbing-violence/13613958

don’t worry seems like this information technology abuse and cyberespionage and treatment of a disenfranchised Muslim population is coming from Israel, it’s probably a good thing then

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:52:06
From: Bubblecar
ID: 1814524
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


SCIENCE said:

Knew It, Comrade Keating Has Been In CHINA’S Palm The Whole Time

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-11-10/paul-keating-plays-down-china-invasion-taiwan/100610102

He’s less a China lover and more an American hater.

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:55:25
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1814527
Subject: re: China Politics

Bubblecar said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

SCIENCE said:

Knew It, Comrade Keating Has Been In CHINA’S Palm The Whole Time

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-11-10/paul-keating-plays-down-china-invasion-taiwan/100610102

He’s less a China lover and more an American hater.

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:57:00
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1814529
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Bubblecar said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

He’s less a China lover and more an American hater.

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

Has a longer memory than most, probably still resents various US govts and the CIA doing all they could to undermine the ALP in the 60s and 70s.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 16:59:25
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1814530
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Bubblecar said:

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

Has a longer memory than most, probably still resents various US govts and the CIA doing all they could to undermine the ALP in the 60s and 70s.

The DLP weren’t a CIA plot.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 17:00:36
From: Bubblecar
ID: 1814531
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Bubblecar said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

He’s less a China lover and more an American hater.

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

As he’s effectively an employee of the Chinese government, I don’t pay much heed to his opinions on Chinese matters.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 17:00:48
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1814532
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


captain_spalding said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

Has a longer memory than most, probably still resents various US govts and the CIA doing all they could to undermine the ALP in the 60s and 70s.

The DLP weren’t a CIA plot.

No, they were the Vatican. B.A. Santamaria and his Wild and Wacky Point of View.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2021 19:01:14
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 1814574
Subject: re: China Politics

Bubblecar said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Bubblecar said:

Keating is a paid advisor on the board of the China Development Bank.

Sure I was being facetious but I reckon he’s got a chip on his shoulder about America and likes to see it challenged.

As he’s effectively an employee of the Chinese government, I don’t pay much heed to his opinions on Chinese matters.

Didn’t know that.

ABC should probably give it a mention when they give him some free air time.

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 16:47:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1816180
Subject: re: China Politics

In Latest Round Of World Domination Stakes CHINA Social Media Company Infects Brains Of Australian Teenagers

We Knew It¡ Soon You’ll All Wish You Blocked ‘Tic’Tok Along With The 5G Huawei Mind Control

https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/why-are-teen-girls-in-australia-developing-tics/13618744

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 17:31:36
From: transition
ID: 1816183
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


In Latest Round Of World Domination Stakes CHINA Social Media Company Infects Brains Of Australian Teenagers

We Knew It¡ Soon You’ll All Wish You Blocked ‘Tic’Tok Along With The 5G Huawei Mind Control

https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/why-are-teen-girls-in-australia-developing-tics/13618744

imagine some of the force of culture self-amplified its influence by target absorption of a learning theory (loosely a theory of learning, but consider theory of mind, and motivational theory, or lack of) that elevated imitation, associative learning and other wonderful views, nice bridging for marginals, used to wash out that native

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 17:48:15
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1816188
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:

SCIENCE said:

In Latest Round Of World Domination Stakes CHINA Social Media Company Infects Brains Of Australian Teenagers

We Knew It¡ Soon You’ll All Wish You Blocked ‘Tic’Tok Along With The 5G Huawei Mind Control

https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/why-are-teen-girls-in-australia-developing-tics/13618744

imagine some of the force of culture self-amplified its influence by target absorption of a learning theory (loosely a theory of learning, but consider theory of mind, and motivational theory, or lack of) that elevated imitation, associative learning and other wonderful views, nice bridging for marginals, used to wash out that native

do you consider the internet and associated phenomena (social media) to be generating swathes of monocultural human activity and furthermore do you have a value judgement made on such an outcome

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 17:57:29
From: transition
ID: 1816193
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

transition said:

SCIENCE said:

In Latest Round Of World Domination Stakes CHINA Social Media Company Infects Brains Of Australian Teenagers

We Knew It¡ Soon You’ll All Wish You Blocked ‘Tic’Tok Along With The 5G Huawei Mind Control

https://www.abc.net.au/triplej/programs/hack/why-are-teen-girls-in-australia-developing-tics/13618744

imagine some of the force of culture self-amplified its influence by target absorption of a learning theory (loosely a theory of learning, but consider theory of mind, and motivational theory, or lack of) that elevated imitation, associative learning and other wonderful views, nice bridging for marginals, used to wash out that native

do you consider the internet and associated phenomena (social media) to be generating swathes of monocultural human activity and furthermore do you have a value judgement made on such an outcome

I know there are more natural environments, likely to give perhaps a more ‘balanced’ experience of the biology of the world, the organic world, and the physics of the world

though i’d need explain what balanced might mean there, which would be more like philosophy

the forces of culture tend to incline what humans do as more natural, amplified by there being more humans, there’s less escaping that each day

are human more captive each day (generalizing, risky perhaps) of human ways, human views, as their good work proliferates, including numbers of own kind?

absolutely

is it all good, I doubt it

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 18:04:48
From: roughbarked
ID: 1816194
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


SCIENCE said:

transition said:

imagine some of the force of culture self-amplified its influence by target absorption of a learning theory (loosely a theory of learning, but consider theory of mind, and motivational theory, or lack of) that elevated imitation, associative learning and other wonderful views, nice bridging for marginals, used to wash out that native

do you consider the internet and associated phenomena (social media) to be generating swathes of monocultural human activity and furthermore do you have a value judgement made on such an outcome

I know there are more natural environments, likely to give perhaps a more ‘balanced’ experience of the biology of the world, the organic world, and the physics of the world

though i’d need explain what balanced might mean there, which would be more like philosophy

the forces of culture tend to incline what humans do as more natural, amplified by there being more humans, there’s less escaping that each day

are human more captive each day (generalizing, risky perhaps) of human ways, human views, as their good work proliferates, including numbers of own kind?

absolutely

is it all good, I doubt it

I’m afraid that pholosophy has nil effect.
Nothing to do with it at all.

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 20:57:27
From: transition
ID: 1816228
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


transition said:

SCIENCE said:

do you consider the internet and associated phenomena (social media) to be generating swathes of monocultural human activity and furthermore do you have a value judgement made on such an outcome

I know there are more natural environments, likely to give perhaps a more ‘balanced’ experience of the biology of the world, the organic world, and the physics of the world

though i’d need explain what balanced might mean there, which would be more like philosophy

the forces of culture tend to incline what humans do as more natural, amplified by there being more humans, there’s less escaping that each day

are human more captive each day (generalizing, risky perhaps) of human ways, human views, as their good work proliferates, including numbers of own kind?

absolutely

is it all good, I doubt it

I’m afraid that pholosophy has nil effect.
Nothing to do with it at all.

I think it a good philosophical question, what is a natural environment, for or of humans, an important proposition, if that’s what you were responding to

but whatever, probably wandering way away from what the thread is about, off topic

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 21:20:18
From: roughbarked
ID: 1816237
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


roughbarked said:

transition said:

I know there are more natural environments, likely to give perhaps a more ‘balanced’ experience of the biology of the world, the organic world, and the physics of the world

though i’d need explain what balanced might mean there, which would be more like philosophy

the forces of culture tend to incline what humans do as more natural, amplified by there being more humans, there’s less escaping that each day

are human more captive each day (generalizing, risky perhaps) of human ways, human views, as their good work proliferates, including numbers of own kind?

absolutely

is it all good, I doubt it

I’m afraid that pholosophy has nil effect.
Nothing to do with it at all.

I think it a good philosophical question, what is a natural environment, for or of humans, an important proposition, if that’s what you were responding to

but whatever, probably wandering way away from what the thread is about, off topic

The equilibrium never required our philosophical perspective. It was getting along fine before we came along.

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2021 22:51:46
From: transition
ID: 1816253
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


transition said:

roughbarked said:

I’m afraid that pholosophy has nil effect.
Nothing to do with it at all.

I think it a good philosophical question, what is a natural environment, for or of humans, an important proposition, if that’s what you were responding to

but whatever, probably wandering way away from what the thread is about, off topic

The equilibrium never required our philosophical perspective. It was getting along fine before we came along.

what might have been the first proto-philosophy do you think, of our ancestors back half a million years or more, whatever, way back before the bipedal thing even

perhaps it all started with nurturing

Reply Quote

Date: 16/11/2021 05:20:18
From: roughbarked
ID: 1816275
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


roughbarked said:

transition said:

I think it a good philosophical question, what is a natural environment, for or of humans, an important proposition, if that’s what you were responding to

but whatever, probably wandering way away from what the thread is about, off topic

The equilibrium never required our philosophical perspective. It was getting along fine before we came along.

what might have been the first proto-philosophy do you think, of our ancestors back half a million years or more, whatever, way back before the bipedal thing even

perhaps it all started with nurturing

I wasn’t here back then. However, it was probably Mochus whose influenced both Indian and Greek cultures, I can’t read this because firefox tells me:
http://www.commonsensescience.net/pdf/articles/mochus_the_proto-philosopher_fos_v18n3.pdf

Ask yourself, does a baby bird ask why it is being fed? Even after it can fly a little and feed itself a little, does it ask why it needs more food than it can find itself? Does it ask its parents why they stuff food in until It can’t open its beak to let more in for a bit?

Reply Quote

Date: 16/11/2021 10:50:42
From: transition
ID: 1816303
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


transition said:

roughbarked said:

The equilibrium never required our philosophical perspective. It was getting along fine before we came along.

what might have been the first proto-philosophy do you think, of our ancestors back half a million years or more, whatever, way back before the bipedal thing even

perhaps it all started with nurturing

I wasn’t here back then. However, it was probably Mochus whose influenced both Indian and Greek cultures, I can’t read this because firefox tells me:
http://www.commonsensescience.net/pdf/articles/mochus_the_proto-philosopher_fos_v18n3.pdf

Ask yourself, does a baby bird ask why it is being fed? Even after it can fly a little and feed itself a little, does it ask why it needs more food than it can find itself? Does it ask its parents why they stuff food in until It can’t open its beak to let more in for a bit?

do birds explore, does a chick in the nest explore the nest, and nearest surrounds

does or has the parent explored its territory

is philosophy exploration

Reply Quote

Date: 7/02/2022 17:19:30
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1845947
Subject: re: China Politics

How Dare CHINA Censor Social Media Abuse

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-07/beverly-zhu-yi-china-figure-skater-beijing-winter-olympics/100809564

When These Olympians And International Committees Lie Through Their Masks

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-07/peng-shuai-winter-olympics-denies-accusation-sexual-assault/100810310

Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai has told a French newspaper that international concern over her wellbeing is based on “an enormous misunderstanding”, as the International Olympic Committee confirmed a face-to-face meeting and said she would be attending several Winter Olympics events in Beijing.

Reply Quote

Date: 13/02/2022 11:52:50
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1848043
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


How Dare CHINA Censor Social Media Abuse

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-07/beverly-zhu-yi-china-figure-skater-beijing-winter-olympics/100809564

When These Olympians And International Committees Lie Through Their Masks

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-07/peng-shuai-winter-olympics-denies-accusation-sexual-assault/100810310

Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai has told a French newspaper that international concern over her wellbeing is based on “an enormous misunderstanding”, as the International Olympic Committee confirmed a face-to-face meeting and said she would be attending several Winter Olympics events in Beijing.

How Dare People Migrate To CHINA And How Dare Countries Exercise Discretion Over Their Borders ¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-02-13/china-recruits-foreign-born-athletes-to-boost-gold-medal-tally/100818506

Reply Quote

Date: 12/05/2022 16:56:29
From: dv
ID: 1882410
Subject: re: China Politics

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/05/11/china/hong-kong-cardinal-zen-arrested-intl-hnk/index.html
Hong Kong (CNN)Hong Kong’s national security police on Wednesday arrested Cardinal Joseph Zen, a 90-year-old former bishop and outspoken critic of China’s Communist Party, drawing concern from the Vatican and condemnation from the United States.
Zen is among four high-profile pro-democracy activists arrested by police — the other three are Cantopop star Denise Ho, former lawmaker and prominent barrister Margaret ​Ng and academic Hui Po-keung, according to the US State Department.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/06/2022 19:03:45
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1895637
Subject: re: China Politics

No Media Stirring Here

Chinese Defence Minister says nuclear arsenal ‘for self-defence’, in warning to Taiwan

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-06-12/china-nuclear-weapons-taiwan-relationship-defence-chief-us/101146278

We’re Warning You, We’re Only Ever Going To Defend

Reply Quote

Date: 12/06/2022 20:09:49
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1895656
Subject: re: China Politics

Analysis: Xi shushes party elders as he marches toward 3rd term
New expression ‘Eternal leader’ emerges ahead of Beidaihe summer conclave

KATSUJI NAKAZAWA, Nikkei senior staff writer
JUNE 9, 2022 04:00 JST

Katsuji Nakazawa is a Tokyo-based senior staff writer and editorial writer at Nikkei. He spent seven years in China as a correspondent and later as China bureau chief. He was the 2014 recipient of the Vaughn-Ueda International Journalist prize.

A political document released in a rural part of China has raised eyebrows for including an unprecedented expression to praise President Xi Jinping.

It was a combination of the word “eternal” and “lingxiu” (leader).

A communique issued after a Communist Party meeting in the Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region noted that it is necessary to be loyal to the core leader, “support the leader forever, defend the leader and follow the leader.”

“Forever” has connotations of a lifetime leadership. “Linxiu” was a title used only by Mao Zedong.

The April 17 document was not issued in Beijing, the capital and political center, but in Guangxi, a southern region bordering Vietnam.

In praising Xi, who is also the party’s general secretary, the communique uses language that defies conventional party wisdom, not to mention the party constitution banning personality cults.

There was a clear reason for all the adoration. The party’s Guangxi regional congress on April 22 unanimously elected Xi as a delegate to the all-important, quinquennial party national congress, to be held this autumn.

There are no rules regarding which region the top party leader represents at the national congress. At the last national congress held five years ago, Xi was a delegate from the landlocked and poor Guizhou Province in the southwest.

Back then, Chen Min’er, widely known as a close aide to Xi, was serving as the province’s top official. Chen later moved to Chongqing to take over from the disgraced Sun Zhengcai as the municipality’s top official and was promoted to the party’s 25-member Politburo.

Guangxi, which is now at the vanguard of efforts to pave the way for Xi to become an eternal leader, also broadcast a documentary TV series praising the leader.

At the party’s upcoming national congress in Beijing, Xi will attend the Guangxi regional session alongside delegates from the region. Guangxi, therefore, has become closely intertwined with Xi’s political fortunes.

The title of lingxiu, leader, had been all but monopolized by founding father Mao. In Mao’s case, it was more commonly used as the “great leader.”

The use of phrases such as “eternal leader” and “people’s leader,” suggest that Xi is aiming to acquire the status of “party chairman,” which Mao retained for life.

In another development, a chorus of praise for Xi was heard in Heilongjiang, a northeastern province bordering Russia.

On May 2, at its regional congress, the party adopted a resolution that also smacks of a personality cult. It pledges to turn loyalty to the lingxiu into living practice for prosperity and development.

Liu Ning, the top official of Guangxi, and Xu Qin, who holds the same position in Heilongjiang, are relatively young, at least in terms of Chinese politics. Born in the 1960s, they have science and engineering backgrounds.

Analysts have noted that since the Xi Jinping era began, many officials with engineering background have been appointed to key positions. They are more politically obedient, the conventional wisdom goes.

But have such communiques strengthened Xi’s position? It may not be so easy.

There apparently has been push back from various wings of the party — old cadres, those who do not belong to Xi’s faction and liberal intellectuals.

In one case, the propaganda division of the party in Nanning, the capital of Guangxi, published a red booklet to help people study Xi’s eponymous ideology, “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era.”

But the booklet evoked memories of “Quotations from Chairman Mao Zedong,” also known as the “Little Red Book,” the reading of which was advocated by radical Red Guard student supporters of Mao during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).

The series of Xi-praising activities in Guangxi had the blessing of Xi aide, Huang Kunming, head of the party’s Publicity Department. But he may have tried too hard to score points.

Photos of the red booklet are currently unavailable on Chinese search engines; they have been completely deleted.

It is believed that the top official in charge of ideology and propaganda, Politburo Standing Committee member Wang Huning had a hand in reining in the excessive moves, in full communication with Xi.

This is not the first time that the drive to upgrade Xi’s status has seesawed.

Five years ago, at the national congress of 2017, Cai Qi, a close aide to Xi and Beijing’s top official, praised his boss a “wise leader.”

Although there were not many party members who noticed back then, Cai’s remarks were part of preparations for the revision of the national constitution in March 2018. The eventual revision scrapped the limit of two five-year terms for Chinese presidents, thus paving the way for Xi to be leader for life.

Following the term-limit scrapping, a brief campaign to refer to Xi as the “people’s leader” emerged in the summer of 2018.

But it quickly fell out of use. Lying behind the turn of events were widespread concerns among party elders and non-mainstream factions about a personality cult; such cults are clearly banned by the party’s constitution.

The same cycle is repeating itself, but this time Xi’s aides have grown alarmed that the effort to upgrade and establish Xi’s status is not necessarily progressing smoothly. They have now taken an unusual step.

The General Office of the Chinese Communist Party, the secretariat that supports Xi’s duties, issued an aggressive notice telling retired party elders to, in effect, watch what they say in the lead up to the national congress. It was on May 15 that state-run media revealed the notice as “a recent event.”

It was an attempt to silence the elders — former members of the Politburo Standing Committee and other retired cadres. An official from the party’s Organization Department gave a detailed explanation about the directive.

“They must not argue about major political policies of the Party Central Committee without good reason … must not spread politically negative opinions must not participate in illegal social organization activities.”

Those who violate discipline “will be severely punished.”

The notice, which made the front page of the People’s Daily, the party’s mouthpiece, is a warning from the Xi administration that opinions will be monitored and controlled — even those of party elders.

One interpretation is that Xi had no choice but to take the step, even at the risk of giving the public a glimpse into the vicious tug-of-war going on in the party, in the hope of tipping the balance in his favor.

Around the time the notice was issued, Xinhua News Agency and other state-run media outlets relaunched a campaign linking Xi’s name with the title of “people’s leader.”

The rapid succession of political developments shows that an annual summer ritual is drawing near: the closed-door “Beidaihe meeting,” when current party leaders listen to retired elders at a seaside resort.

It is not known how this year’s gathering will take place, with COVID-19 still prevalent.

The party’s General Office, which issued the notice for retired generations to shush, is headed by Ding Xuexiang, a reportedly competent official Xi ran into during his time in Shanghai.

Ding is supposed to play a key role in Xi’s labored dialogue with party elders, who have strong opinions. If he is successful in this role, he could put himself in line for a promotion, perhaps to the Politburo Standing Committee.

Xi is still aiming for a title that bestows greatness, and many close aides are competing to help him succeed in his quest. They are engaged in a fierce power struggle for survival. Naturally, they will be divided into winners and losers.

Who prevails will be decided in the coming weeks.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-Xi-shushes-party-elders-as-he-marches-toward-3rd-term?

Reply Quote

Date: 12/06/2022 20:18:41
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1895658
Subject: re: China Politics

crazy i’n‘it, if Marketing had led Corruption into a third term he’d‘ve been hailed as a fucking god

Reply Quote

Date: 12/06/2022 20:37:10
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1895665
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


crazy i’n‘it, if Marketing had led Corruption into a third term he’d‘ve been hailed as a fucking god

We must be grateful for what mercies come our way.

Can you imagine just how venal, piratical, pandering, partisan and supercilious a L/NP government would have been had they won, knowing full well that this was it, kids, even if Jesus Christ himself comes down and hands out HTV guides at every polling booth, we CANNOT win a fourth election in a row?

Reply Quote

Date: 13/06/2022 09:56:26
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1895803
Subject: re: China Politics

remember when all the cool dudes were expected to laugh at West Taiwan falling behind in population growth and fertility rates but oh wait now Mainland Taiwan is having some doubts it’s all concern and problem in need of an urgent fix

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-06-13/taiwan-races-to-fix-low-birthrate-before-possible-china-war/101137970

Reply Quote

Date: 14/06/2022 21:57:03
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1896445
Subject: re: China Politics

it begins

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/xi-expands-china-s-military-powers-to-defend-interests-abroad-20220614-p5atmc.html

Chinese President Xi Jinping has authorised an expansion of his country’s military capabilities, giving the defence forces the power to protect its interests abroad.

Reply Quote

Date: 14/06/2022 22:06:54
From: party_pants
ID: 1896447
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


it begins

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/xi-expands-china-s-military-powers-to-defend-interests-abroad-20220614-p5atmc.html

Chinese President Xi Jinping has authorised an expansion of his country’s military capabilities, giving the defence forces the power to protect its interests abroad.

Any such move will do more self-harm than good. The more belligerent China gets the less foreign investment and trade they will get. The democratic world is already decoupling from China because of the sovereign risk. More belligerence increases the sovereign risk and drives away more business. Without foreign trade the Chinese economy shrinks. They don’t have the domestic market to maintain the economy on their own.

Reply Quote

Date: 14/06/2022 22:12:08
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1896449
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:

SCIENCE said:

it begins

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/xi-expands-china-s-military-powers-to-defend-interests-abroad-20220614-p5atmc.html

Chinese President Xi Jinping has authorised an expansion of his country’s military capabilities, giving the defence forces the power to protect its interests abroad.

Any such move will do more self-harm than good. The more belligerent China gets the less foreign investment and trade they will get. The democratic world is already decoupling from China because of the sovereign risk. More belligerence increases the sovereign risk and drives away more business. Without foreign trade the Chinese economy shrinks. They don’t have the domestic market to maintain the economy on their own.

but the article specifically focuses on unbelligerent language

power to protect

operations other than war

peacetime activities to protect

troops without fighting is the supreme state

cooperation

cooperative relationships

counterterrorism, protecting

disaster relief, security alerts, international peacekeeping and rescues

interestingly they also note that

The United States has had a similar program since 1993

so maybe that’s behind the decline of that decadence

Reply Quote

Date: 14/06/2022 22:21:21
From: party_pants
ID: 1896450
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

party_pants said:

SCIENCE said:

it begins

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/xi-expands-china-s-military-powers-to-defend-interests-abroad-20220614-p5atmc.html

Chinese President Xi Jinping has authorised an expansion of his country’s military capabilities, giving the defence forces the power to protect its interests abroad.

Any such move will do more self-harm than good. The more belligerent China gets the less foreign investment and trade they will get. The democratic world is already decoupling from China because of the sovereign risk. More belligerence increases the sovereign risk and drives away more business. Without foreign trade the Chinese economy shrinks. They don’t have the domestic market to maintain the economy on their own.

but the article specifically focuses on unbelligerent language

power to protect

operations other than war

peacetime activities to protect

troops without fighting is the supreme state

cooperation

cooperative relationships

counterterrorism, protecting

disaster relief, security alerts, international peacekeeping and rescues

interestingly they also note that

The United States has had a similar program since 1993

so maybe that’s behind the decline of that decadence

It is just words from China.

The last two lines make no sense – the US is not in decline. For the last 20 years they have been offshoring their supply chains to China. They can (and are) withdraw them at any time and reshore or friendshore them. Much of China’s rise has only been with the acquiescence of the US. The mirage of US decline is only because they were offshoring so much to lower wage countries rather than homebasing. The US are still the one and only superpower in the world right now – both military and economic.

(Reshoring and friendshoring are the new economic buzz-words of the year)

Reply Quote

Date: 15/06/2022 05:10:00
From: Michael V
ID: 1896520
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


SCIENCE said:

party_pants said:

Any such move will do more self-harm than good. The more belligerent China gets the less foreign investment and trade they will get. The democratic world is already decoupling from China because of the sovereign risk. More belligerence increases the sovereign risk and drives away more business. Without foreign trade the Chinese economy shrinks. They don’t have the domestic market to maintain the economy on their own.

but the article specifically focuses on unbelligerent language

power to protect

operations other than war

peacetime activities to protect

troops without fighting is the supreme state

cooperation

cooperative relationships

counterterrorism, protecting

disaster relief, security alerts, international peacekeeping and rescues

interestingly they also note that

The United States has had a similar program since 1993

so maybe that’s behind the decline of that decadence

It is just words from China.

The last two lines make no sense – the US is not in decline. For the last 20 years they have been offshoring their supply chains to China. They can (and are) withdraw them at any time and reshore or friendshore them. Much of China’s rise has only been with the acquiescence of the US. The mirage of US decline is only because they were offshoring so much to lower wage countries rather than homebasing. The US are still the one and only superpower in the world right now – both military and economic.

(Reshoring and friendshoring are the new economic buzz-words of the year)

Concerning. Very concerning.
https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-06-14/xi-jinping-expands-china-military-influence-abroad/101152154

Reply Quote

Date: 15/06/2022 07:25:49
From: mollwollfumble
ID: 1896522
Subject: re: China Politics

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 03:20:23
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1898301
Subject: re: China Politics

mollwollfumble said:

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Totally Not Image Edited

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 07:59:46
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1898310
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


mollwollfumble said:

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Totally Not Image Edited


And Australia (an island, dependent on ocean trade) does not need any naval air power, whereas China (which has a coastline half the length of Australia’s and whose borders are 75% on land) needs three aircraft carriers.

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 09:21:58
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1898334
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


mollwollfumble said:

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Totally Not Image Edited


It’s nice that it has a smiley face.

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 09:57:21
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1898349
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


SCIENCE said:

mollwollfumble said:

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Totally Not Image Edited


It’s nice that it has a smiley face.

and 3 eyes, it’s the surveillance state, 3 eyes

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 10:07:38
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1898358
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

China (which has a coastline half the length of Australia’s

dv disagrees

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 10:10:34
From: roughbarked
ID: 1898361
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

China (which has a coastline half the length of Australia’s

dv disagrees

China’s coastline covers approximately 14,500 km from the Bohai gulf in the north to the Gulf of Tonkin in the south.

ccording to The World Factbook, Australia has the sixth longest coastline in the world, at 25,780 kilometres (16,020 mi).

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 10:13:51
From: Tamb
ID: 1898362
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

China (which has a coastline half the length of Australia’s

dv disagrees

China’s coastline covers approximately 14,500 km from the Bohai gulf in the north to the Gulf of Tonkin in the south.

ccording to The World Factbook, Australia has the sixth longest coastline in the world, at 25,780 kilometres (16,020 mi).


Canada is #1

Reply Quote

Date: 19/06/2022 11:49:10
From: dv
ID: 1898413
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

mollwollfumble said:

> The more belligerent China gets …

The words “belligerent” and “China” should never be used in the same sentence.

Totally Not Image Edited


And Australia (an island, dependent on ocean trade) does not need any naval air power, whereas China (which has a coastline half the length of Australia’s and whose borders are 75% on land) needs three aircraft carriers.

Idk man the marine territory they claim is extensive…

Reply Quote

Date: 4/08/2022 00:31:49
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1916502
Subject: re: China Politics

China mortgage strikes threaten property sector’s house of cards
As unfinished homes disrupt lives, pressure grows on developers and Beijing alike

CISSY ZHOU, Nikkei staff writer
AUGUST 2, 2022 06:00 JST

HONG KONG — Chen Peng put his entire life savings, and that of his parents, into a 300,000 yuan ($44,000) down payment for a condominium that should have been finished in 2018. Four years later, the 36-year-old musician is still waiting for the keys.

His complex is one of tens of thousands of residential projects lagging behind schedule across China. And as the songwriter and guitar player is unable to earn much — the government’s zero-COVID policy all but prohibits musical performances — he relies on credit cards to cover bills, sinking deeper and deeper into debt.

“I always think I am already at the bottom of society and there is no way that I could be pushed down further. Now I know that even if you are at the bottom of the valley, they can still trample you into the mud,” Chen told Nikkei Asia.

He has had enough. He has decided that his July mortgage payment of 2,000 yuan will be his last, at least for the time being, as he joins hundreds of thousands of homebuyers nationwide who have threatened to or have gone on “mortgage strikes” over roughly the past month. The buyers’ message is simple: Until their units are completed, they will not pay their loans.

So far, at least 320 projects in 99 Chinese cities have been affected by the strikes, according to open source data. Such complexes are huge — typically they have at least 1,000 units, while larger ones may have 5,000 to 6,000. Most of the affected properties are in the center and west of the country, with 20% in Henan Province, where Chen bought his place.

Half-finished construction projects, colloquially known as “rotten-tail buildings,” are nothing new. But a crisis is coming to a head due to unsustainable debt loads among developers, falling sales, and the illegal but widespread practice of siphoning proceeds from some projects to pay for others.

The problems are disrupting lives. If they escalate they could send shock waves through a Chinese economy struggling to maintain growth momentum. A broader mortgage boycott could also trigger social unrest — the last thing President Xi Jinping wants a few months before he is widely expected to seek a third term.

China’s property defaults started to surge last summer as the sector struggled with Beijing’s efforts to rein in excess leverage. The government had outlined “three red lines” in 2020 to cap debt-to-cash, debt-to-assets and debt-to-equity ratios for property developers, and imposed limits on bank lending to the industry last year. From July 21, 2021, to July 22, 2022, 34 Chinese real estate issuers defaulted on $83.65 billion worth of U.S. dollar bonds, according to a BofA Global Research assessment.

Now declining sales are adding to the pressure.

The top 100 Chinese developers saw their sales halved in the first six months of this year. Overall, nationwide residential sales dropped 31.8% on the year in the January-June period, by nearly $2 trillion, according to the National Bureau of Statistics. This has severely constrained developers’ ability to cover construction costs.

The mortgage strikes are calling into question the very model on which the Chinese real estate market is based.

Nearly 90% of new homes are presold. While this model is not unique to China, buyers in the country typically must pay 100% upfront. As a result, more than half of Chinese developers’ financing needs were generated from presales in the past decade, while construction loans from banks accounted for less than 15% of their funding.

Under Chinese regulations, a portion of presale proceeds must be placed into an escrow account and supervised by a bank. The bank then transfers money to the developer according to the progress of the project in question. In reality, however, the money has often been used to pay for other projects or to purchase additional land-use rights from local governments. These and other questionable practices, including diverted loans at embattled industry giant Evergrande that prompted top executives to resign last month, have created what increasingly looks like a house of cards.

Nomura, the Japanese brokerage, estimates that China’s developers have only delivered around 60% of homes they presold between 2013 and 2020, while in those years the value of China’s outstanding mortgages rose by 26.3 trillion yuan.

Nomura says the ratio of paused projects to total projects last year and this might be around 20.3%.

The evident risks are cranking up the pressure on Beijing to act, with multiple regulatory bodies calling for efforts to stabilize the property market and ensure delivery of presold homes.

S&P Global Ratings estimates that the mortgage strike could put almost 1 trillion yuan in bank lending at risk.

If the crisis snowballs further, construction companies are likely to face more delayed payments from cash-strapped developers, and the ripples could affect the economy in some not-so-obvious ways. Analysts from ABC International, the investment banking arm of Agricultural Bank of China (ABC), said in a recent report that stalled purchases of new home appliances could hit consumption figures, for example.

“We expect the regulators to ramp up a crackdown on developers’ embezzlement of the presale funds, or further increase the proportion of presale funds to ensure there are sufficient funds to complete the project,” the ABC International analysts said, referring to the habit of inappropriately using escrow funds for projects besides the ones intended. “We also expect banks to grant more mortgage loans and lower the mortgage interest rates, and local governments will continue to loosen real estate market restrictions.”

The analysts added that the authorities would likely “encourage state-owned enterprises to purchase some of the good projects from the private sector.” With their ample cash flow, the thinking goes, the SOEs would be able to get construction moving again.

Some reports say Chinese regulators are thinking about instituting a grace period for homebuyers to repay mortgages, while the authorities may create a bailout fund to help developers kick-start delayed projects.

Unfinished buildings in Luoyang, in Henan Province, are seen in late 2021. The province is a hot spot for mortgage strikes. © Reuters
Yet, the potential solutions come with their own risks.

Lu Ting, Nomura’s chief China economist, warned that if these policies are not designed and executed well, they could lead to “serious moral hazard problems” by giving developers incentives to slow or even stop construction.

A larger question is what the future holds for Chinese real estate, and whether the market’s glory days — considered to be from 2003 to 2016 — are over.

S&P Global Ratings expects property sales to fall 28% to 33% this year, double the agency’s previous prediction, as people lose faith that developers will ever complete presold units.

“This could further squeeze the liquidity of distressed developers, leading to more defaults,” the agency said in a recent report.

During the first half of the year, China has cut down payment ratios and mortgage rates to boost the housing market.

In an attempt to spur a housing recovery, some local governments earlier this year cut the down payment ratio — the amount buyers have to pay on their own without bank loans — to 20% from 30%. Mortgage rates were also reduced.

Nevertheless, Nomura says the sector is unlikely to strongly recover in the next half-year due to a combination of factors: highly infectious new variants of COVID-19, the reduced confidence of Chinese households, front-loaded demand for new homes in lower-tier cities seen in 2015 to 2018 and Beijing’s reluctance to loosen the reins on the property sector too much.

Shuang Ding, greater China chief economist at Standard Chartered Bank, says the key issue is whether homebuyers’ confidence in private property developers can be restored. If not, even those who want to buy and have the means to might hesitate.

“China’s per capita floor space has long exceeded 40 sq. meters,” Ding said — a high figure compared with, say, Hong Kong, where the median is just 16. sq. meters. “And with the aging population and the dropping birthrate and marriage rate, the country’s urbanization growth has also slowed down, suggesting China’s property development has peaked.”

Daisy Li, a China equity fund manager at EFG Asset Management, agreed that the sector’s headiest days may be behind it. “Before, real estate served as the country’s primary investment market,” she said, “but as people’s confidence wanes, a lot of funds are shifting to other sectors such as automobiles.”

In Henan, Chen sees little chance that construction on his building will resume anytime soon. With no savings left, he has given up hope of ever being able to purchase a home of his own.

“What got rotten is not the home that I put all my family’s savings into,” he said, “but my life.”

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Asia-Insight/China-mortgage-strikes-threaten-property-sector-s-house-of-cards?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/08/2022 09:59:35
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1916609
Subject: re: China Politics

Some provocations, however, are necessary.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/08/2022 06:04:16
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1916967
Subject: re: China Politics

China shores up smaller banks with fresh $47bn injection
Funds from infrastructure bonds tapped to shield lenders from economic slowdown

The Chinese government is making a second round of capital infusions for smaller banks affected by the pandemic. © Reuters
IORI KAWATE, Nikkei staff writer
August 4, 2022 01:20 JST

BEIJING — The Chinese government is injecting 320 billion yuan ($47 billion) in public funds into small and midsized banks in a bid to help regional lenders reeling from the economic slowdown.

The capital injections are financed by funds raised with infrastructure bonds. The China Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission, along with the Ministry of Finance, plan to grant 320 billion yuan in bond issue allotments to specific regions through the end of August.

As of June, 103 billion yuan in bond allotments had already been granted to Liaoning, Gansu and Henan provinces, as well as to the city of Dalian.

Smaller banks operating in the applicable regions will received the funds in the form of capital injections. This spring, Liaoning poured 13.5 billion yuan into five banks, including Bank of Dandong and Bank of Yingkou.

In July 2020, the State Council, China’s cabinet, allowed local governments to inject funds into small and midsized banks using “special bonds” issued to capitalize infrastructure projects.

This came after a host micro to midsize businesses went bust in the early stages of the coronavirus pandemic. Around 2.3 million businesses across China failed during the first half of 2020, accounting for 6% of all businesses at the time, according to the Washington-based Peterson Institute for International Economics think tank.

Nonperforming loans ballooned at banks too. At the end of June 2020, the amount of bad debt was 13% higher than at the end of 2019.

During the first round of coronavirus relief, the government injected a total of 210 billion yuan into roughly 300 banks through the end of 2021. This allowed smaller banks to recover financially to a certain extent.

At the end of 2021, the capital adequacy ratio at so-called urban commercial banks that operate at the regional level came to 13.1%. The adequacy ratio at rural commercial banks, which serve villages and towns, was 12.6%. The readings were up 0.1 and 0.2 percentage point from the end of 2020.

But during the same period, large banks that operate at the national level improved their average adequacy ratios by 0.8 point to 17.3%. Because small and midsized banks are less financially fit, they have limited channels to raise funds outside of injections of public capital.

This spring brought the wave of omicron infections and lockdowns that caused the economy to slow. Small businesses, the main clients of minor banks, suffered. The real estate industry, which serves as the backbone of regional economies, has struggled under tougher financial regulations.

In the face of a funding shortage, real estate developers are increasingly halting or delaying construction work. In July, buyers of still-uncompleted property called a mortgage strike in protest. Such a movement has provoked concern, since home loans account for around 20% of all bank loans.

Starting this spring, small banks in Henan Province and elsewhere have frozen withdrawals from accounts. With smaller banks facing a deteriorating business environment, the central government has grown wary of potential social unrest.

The Banking and Insurance Regulatory Commission has urged banks to write off nonperforming debt. During the first half of the year, the amount of bad-loan disposals rose 18% from a year earlier.

At small and midsized banks, such write-offs jumped 37% on the year for January to May. The new injection of public funds is expected to be put to use to expedite bad-debt disposals.

In May, the State Council rolled out a stimulus package designed to restore the economy battered by the zero-COVID policy. Under these measures, banks are encouraged to defer debt payments from small businesses and sole proprietorships. The beneficiaries also include home loans taken out by individuals whose incomes shrank during the pandemic.

The payment deferments will last until the end of the year. Without further extensions, the latent nonperforming-debt problem could erupt from beneath the surface.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Finance/China-shores-up-smaller-banks-with-fresh-47bn-injection?

Reply Quote

Date: 5/08/2022 07:54:10
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1916978
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:

https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Finance/China-shores-up-smaller-banks-with-fresh-47bn-injection?

That this is happening at a time when allegations of widespread corruption and embezzlement in operation of small and mid-sized banks in China is mere coincidence.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/08/2022 07:58:37
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1916980
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Finance/China-shores-up-smaller-banks-with-fresh-47bn-injection??

That this is happening at a time when allegations of widespread corruption and embezzlement in operation of small and mid-sized banks in China is mere coincidence.

Fuck Corruption

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 11:02:56
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1918160
Subject: re: China Politics

thankfully in our and allied modern theo… deio… ah we mean democracies we have this thing called separation of church and state, nothing like those communists

The Chinese government has made it clear that it wants final approval of all reincarnations of Tibetan Buddhism, including the Dalai Lama, and insisted they will be found within China’s borders.

oh wait ah fuck never mind

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-07/dalai-lama-succession-plan-china-interference-in-tibet/101247862

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 11:06:36
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1918161
Subject: re: China Politics

reincarnation must comply with Chinese laws and regulations

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 11:14:17
From: transition
ID: 1918164
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


thankfully in our and allied modern theo… deio… ah we mean democracies we have this thing called separation of church and state, nothing like those communists

The Chinese government has made it clear that it wants final approval of all reincarnations of Tibetan Buddhism, including the Dalai Lama, and insisted they will be found within China’s borders.

oh wait ah fuck never mind

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-07/dalai-lama-succession-plan-china-interference-in-tibet/101247862

>Amid global concerns…”

probably still be correct with a slight alteration…

make that ‘..amid globalist’ concerns….’

wonder what australian’s spiritual core is, where it comes from, perhaps it’s the immortal ABC

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 11:33:50
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1918176
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


reincarnation must comply with Chinese laws and regulations

and must conform to the right aesthetic and look.

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 11:36:36
From: Tamb
ID: 1918177
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


SCIENCE said:

reincarnation must comply with Chinese laws and regulations

and must conform to the right aesthetic and look.


Must look like this:

Reply Quote

Date: 7/08/2022 12:13:46
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1918185
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


SCIENCE said:

thankfully in our and allied modern theo… deio… ah we mean democracies we have this thing called separation of church and state, nothing like those communists

The Chinese government has made it clear that it wants final approval of all reincarnations of Tibetan Buddhism, including the Dalai Lama, and insisted they will be found within China’s borders.

oh wait ah fuck never mind

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-07/dalai-lama-succession-plan-china-interference-in-tibet/101247862

>Amid global concerns…”

probably still be correct with a slight alteration…

make that ‘..amid globalist’ concerns….’

wonder what australian’s spiritual core is, where it comes from, perhaps it’s the immortal ABC

Buddhists are all peaceloving hippies, Muslims are all violent jihadists, Jews are sneaky greedy bastards, and Christians are right, Right and naturally the leaders¡

Reply Quote

Date: 10/08/2022 05:54:51
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1919190
Subject: re: China Politics

Mutual agitation: Can US and China avoid conflict over Taiwan?

Peter Hartcher
Political and international editor

August 9, 2022 — 5.00am

Why did Nancy Pelosi go to Taiwan last week? For the same reason that Xi Jinping responded with a tantrum of historical proportions.

Politics. Not geopolitics. Domestic politics. The Prussian strategist Carl von Clausewitz famously held that war is politics by other means. So it pays to heed the politics if you wish to understand the war.

Pelosi has a long history of defending Taiwan’s democracy, but she has a short history ahead of her as Speaker of the House of Representatives.

Unless something dramatic happens, that is. She is contesting her seat at the US Congressional midterm elections in three months. For a 19th term. She shouldn’t have any trouble winning her seat. But she’s also hoping to be re-elected as the leader of the Democrats in the House of Representatives. And, if the party can hold enough seats, she could return as Speaker. For a fifth term. At 82 years of age, presumably it’d be her last.

But her national approval rating is poor; she’s more unpopular than Joe Biden or Donald Trump. And the Democrats are expected to lose their majority of the House.

How does an unpopular American politician boost their approval? “Standing up to China” is the answer. It’s about the only thing that Americans can agree on. The percentage of Americans with an unfavourable view of China is at a record high of 83 per cent, according to a Pew poll conducted in March.

So Pelosi “stood up to China”. She had nothing to lose. She’ll either lead the Democrats to an upset win in the House, or she’ll lead her party to defeat as a heroic opponent of the Chinese Communist Party.

Coincidentally, Xi Jinping faces an election himself, though it’s an election with Chinese characteristics. In October or November, the Chinese Communist Party is due to hold a once-in-five-years party congress to formally endorse its leader.

And while Xi has been described widely in the West as “leader for life”, he nonetheless needs to be re-endorsed by the party every five years.

No serious analyst is suggesting that he will be dumped. His grip on the party is iron. But even an autocrat feels political pressures and Xi has his – China’s zero tolerance policy on COVID continues to impose rolling lockdowns on China’s cities, frustrating millions. It’s also stalled economic growth, triggering a liquidity crisis in the real estate industry and leaving hundreds of thousands of incensed homebuyers without homes.

How does a stressed Chinese politician boost their approval? By “standing up to America”, especially over the hypersensitive question of Taiwan.

So Xi ordered a series of punishments for the US and for Taiwan. Beijing has shut down its communications channels with the US on vital matters including defence and climate change. It has imposed an import ban on 100 categories of Taiwanese exports. It sent scores of warships and air force planes to intimidate Taipei and fired ballistic missiles across the island.

And, by conducting live-fire military exercises in six locations around Taiwan’s coast, it put a de facto blockade on the island for three days. Party-owned media cheered on this display of China’s power.

Xi didn’t need to do any of this. He could have dismissed Pelosi as a “lame duck” Speaker, the term that the Republicans like to use against her, making a last, pathetic play for relevance. He could have treated her with a show of pity rather than one of anger. But no; China’s president turned on the outrage machine of hypernationalist indignation.

In this way, Pelosi and Xi, America and China, inflamed each other’s nationalist animosities. The two great powers fed a mutually beneficial feedback loop, each side seeking domestic points by hurting the other, with Taiwan left to bear the greatest pain.

This is exactly the trap that Xi has warned about in the past, the so-called Thucydides trap. He took the name from the Harvard sinologist Graham Allison, who a decade ago wrote:

“The defining question about global order in the decades ahead will be: can China and the US escape Thucydides’s trap?” This is when a ruling power and a rising power go to war in a struggle for primacy just like Sparta and Athens did in the fifth century BC in the Peloponnesian War, as recorded by the ancient Greek historian Thucydides.

Xi has spoken about the idea publicly and a number of times with the then Australian prime minister Malcolm Turnbull: “Xi often referred to the Thucydides trap,” Turnbull tells me. “When war arises not because of any particular incident but simply because the rising power creates enormous anxiety in the incumbent power.

“If the trap is sprung by rising levels of anxiety, you’d have to say that Xi’s foreign policy has been calculated to spring the trap. The belligerence, the rhetoric has all seemed to heighten anxiety.” The US and China “are certainly falling into it”.

The head of the ANU National Security College, Rory Medcalf, says, “There’s no inevitability about all-out conflict, but there’s a disconcerting willingness to play with risk. What’s changed as a result of last week is that we have a permanently heightened level of risk.

“Paradoxically, it’s revealed China’s hand – China has confirmed its willingness to move rapidly to military threats and to a blockade. China is giving us a data set to prepare against. China is clearly willing to cause immense economic damage to use an embargo.

“That should be an alarm bell to business communities all over the world, including in Europe and others deeply invested in the economic lifelines of the Indo-Pacific. A warlike crisis would kill business as usual. It has implications for shipping, supply lines, insurance. It’s a reason to start preparing economic levers so that they can be used to help deter China from this folly.”

The world needs sane statecraft, but at the moment it’s getting only politics.

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/mutual-agitation-can-us-and-china-avoid-conflict-over-taiwan-20220808-p5b81e.html

Reply Quote

Date: 10/08/2022 07:07:34
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1919200
Subject: re: China Politics

Why China’s Confidence Could Turn Out to Be a Weakness
State propaganda about China’s rise is stoking extreme nationalism. That could blind China to its problems, and could lead to conflict — perhaps over Taiwan.

By Li Yuan
Aug. 9, 2022
Updated 4:09 p.m. ET

In his decade of ruling China, Xi Jinping has tried to imbue its people with confidence, telling them that the country is doing very well compared with the chaotic West.

He has told the younger generation that China can finally look at the world as an equal. “It’s no longer as backward,” he said last year.

“The East is rising, and the West is declining,” he declared, at a time when the United States and other Western countries seemed mired in high Covid infection rates, racial tensions and other problems.

Mr. Xi has told China’s 1.4 billion people to be proud of its culture, its governance system and its future as a great power, all of which add up to his signature political philosophy, sometimes called the “confidence doctrine.”

While much of that pride is well placed, it also breeds cockiness. It gives Mr. Xi a justification for unwinding the policies of openness that helped China emerge from international isolation and abject poverty under Mao. It has also given a boost to extreme nationalists who trumpet Chinese superiority, and who are now urging military confrontation with Taiwan after Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit.

Their strident rhetoric shows how little they think of American power and how easily they think China would win a great-power competition with the United States. It is making more moderate nationalists feel uncomfortable, raising fears that Beijing could feel compelled to act tough.

Such posturing and nationalistic sentiment heighten the risk of war, especially as China establishes a new status quo with Taiwan, announcing on Tuesday that it will continue air and sea drills around the island democracy.

And in the context of the U.S.-China rivalry, this tendency toward overconfidence could also prove to be a weakness for Beijing, blinding it to its own challenges. It could be a blessing for the United States, if it can get its act together.

The Chinese people, not the government, have every reason to feel proud and confident in their achievements over the past four decades.

They lifted themselves from poverty and created some of the most successful companies on earth. They made their country a manufacturing colossus and the biggest consumer market for cars, smartphones and many luxury brands. They built new skyscrapers, subways, highways and high-speed railways, some of the best in the world.

The United States, on the other hand, has seemed embroiled in its many domestic problems and often too paralyzed to sort through its issues.

Before the pandemic, I got used to Chinese people coming back from trips to the United States and telling me how backward, shabby and underwhelming they had found it to be.

Some of them refused to take the New York subway system, saying it was dirty, smelly and full of service disruptions. They were appalled by the lack of public transportation in Los Angeles and the poor highway conditions in Silicon Valley. They didn’t understand why wealthy San Francisco was plagued with homelessness. They were greatly disturbed by gun violence and the failure of laws to control it.

Most of those people weren’t nationalists. They were educated elites who grew up in poverty, benefited from China’s opening up and had seen the United States as an ideal. The United States awed and disappointed them at the same time.

But for many other Chinese, especially younger ones, the idea of a rising East and a declining West is an accepted fact. News programs and social media are filled with such dogma, and political science classes, at the urging of Mr. Xi, are teaching it.

Yan Xuetong, a professor of international studies at Tsinghua University with a nationalistic bent, said at a Beijing conference in January that China’s college students needed to learn more about the world. They often have a binary view, believing that “only China is just and innocent while all other countries, especially the Western countries, are ‘evil,’ and that Westerners are bound to hate China,” he said. Students “usually have a very strong sense of superiority and confidence” in international relations, he said, and often “treat the other countries with a condescending mind-set.”

“They use ‘wishful thinking’ in international affairs, believing that it’s very easy for China to achieve its foreign policy objectives,” said Professor Yan. He added that they also tended to believe conspiracy theories and other unsubstantiated opinions found online.

Many young people criticized him in turn, accusing him of condescension.

Chinese propaganda has always tried to highlight China’s achievements and the West’s failures. On Dec. 30, 1958, when China was entering the Great Famine that would result in the death of millions by starvation, the front page of the People’s Daily reported that the country was succeeding in industrial and agricultural production. In the international news section, stories about socialist countries like North Korea were celebratory, while ones about the capitalist West were all about their economic and political woes.

I grew up reading a newspaper column titled, “Socialism Is Good. Capitalism Is Bad.” Each week, millions of young readers like myself would consume biased pieces about an American girl going hungry or a North Korean boy living a happy life. We believed them, until China opened up and we realized that our socialist country was impoverished.

That changed to a degree in the 1990s and 2000s, as the Chinese Communist Party allowed some investigative reporting and public online criticism. But under Mr. Xi, everything about China exudes “positive energy,” including economic forecasts, while the West, especially the United States, is increasingly portrayed as evil or in decline.

The state broadcaster Chinese Central Television, eager to give the party credit for the country’s successes, made a documentary called “Amazing China” in 2018. In one section about achievements in poverty eradication, the film showed Mr. Xi sitting among farmers, talking about how their income had increased twentyfold in 20 years.

“Who else could have done this?” he asked rhetorically. “Only the Communist Party could have done this. Only our socialist system could have done this. It couldn’t have been done in any other places.”

But capitalist countries like Japan and South Korea had gone through similar economic transformations decades earlier.

In the past two years, many state news reports and theoretical essays have contrasted China’s orderly governance with the “messy West,” citing the United States’ mishandling of the pandemic, its widespread protests against racism and its many mass shootings. When the United States and a few other Western countries struggled with their Covid responses, state media and many Chinese social media influencers urged them to “copy China’s homework.”

Wang Jisi, a professor of international studies at Peking University and a top expert in U.S.-China relations, complained at a peace forum in July that CCTV’s main news program ran at least two stories about the United States every night, and that both were negative.

“They’re either about the U.S. having another mass shooting, another example of racial tensions or its messy handling of the pandemic,” he said. “Why can’t we talk about what’s happening in Africa or Latin America and not talk about bad stuff in the U.S.?”

In an interview with an academic journal this year, Mr. Wang tried to correct the idea that the United States is in decline. He argued that after America’s international standing experienced relative decline between 1995 and 2011, its share of global output rose in the decade after 2011. There is not enough evidence to conclude that America’s economy is in irreversible decline, he said, though he acknowledged that U.S. soft power had diminished.

For China, the danger of drinking its own propaganda Kool-Aid is that it stops looking at its own problems while exaggerating America’s weaknesses.

The Communist Party’s aversion to truth and its obsession with control are backfiring. Mr. Xi’s zero-Covid policy, which relies on mass testing and lockdowns, is wreaking huge damage on the Chinese economy. But since no criticism is allowed, the country is largely going along with strict restrictions while much of the world is in the process of returning to normal.

Despite all its issues, the American democratic system still seems to be working, with its checks and balances that allow for different views to win out and for new strategic approaches to emerge. The 2020 presidential election is an example, with the Democrats returning to power. So is Kansas’ vote to preserve protections for abortion rights in its Constitution, after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.

Congress passed the CHIPS and Science Act recently to help global semiconductor manufacturers set up operations in the country to better compete with China. And President Biden’s administration is better at working with allies than his predecessor’s was.

“When people stop queuing up for visas in front of the U.S. Consulates,” said Mr. Wang, the professor, “then the U.S. is in decline.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/08/09/business/china-xi-jinping-united-states-taiwan.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 10/08/2022 09:30:32
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1919232
Subject: re: China Politics

lol

It said the banknote was created to generate sales income targeting the Chinese and wider Asian market, adding that “NO NEW $0.88 numismatic banknotes will be entering into circulation”.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/08/2022 15:47:50
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1919695
Subject: re: China Politics

A US-China War Over Taiwan Isn’t Happening Anytime Soon
Here are five reasons a conflict won’t occur in the next 18 months, contrary to warnings from alarmists in and out of the Biden administration.

ByJames Stavridis
10 August 2022 at 09:30 GMT+10

Tensions, already very high between the US and China over Taiwan, were exacerbated by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s “farewell tour” visit to the island. Many analysts are warning that an invasion by Beijing could come sooner rather than later — within 18 months is a common projection — often citing the Ukraine conflict as a model: China playing the part of Russia and bringing what it views as a non-nation sharply to heel.

Based on many years of engagement with the Chinese around the Pacific both operationally and diplomatically, I believe we are years away from any potential military move by Beijing against Taipei, and it is particularly unlikely to happen in the immediate future. There are several reasons.

First, events in Ukraine are likely to give Chinese President Xi Jinping pause, not encouragement. He must be asking himself, “I wonder if my generals and admirals are as bad as those Russians appear to be?” Xi was probably assured by Putin, when they met at the Olympics in February, that this would be a sharp, short war and that the Russians would have full control of Ukraine before the West could get its collective boots on. Things turned out very differently for the Kremlin.

The Chinese military, similar in many ways to Russia’s, lacks even the level of combat experience the Russians had in Afghanistan, Chechnya and Syria, and in the previous invasions of Ukraine and Georgia.

A second reason for Chinese hesitancy is uncertainty about the Taiwanese. Would they fold or fight? Polling is never fully reliable, but all indications are that the Taiwanese have a strong sense of national identity and are unlikely to simply roll over when the first wave of Chinese missiles strike on the island. (Beijing gave a preview of its muscle in the exercises responding to the Pelosi visit.)

President Tsai Ing-wen is a steely leader — she’s not unlike Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskiy — and my assessment is that the Taiwanese will fight, and fight hard. The geography of the island — mountain and forest — is a nightmare for an invader, especially one that must mount the assault by sea.

Third, Beijing is watching the alignment of the Western democracies across Europe and the Far East in enacting crippling sanctions on Russia, causing Moscow to default on its debt for the first time in more than a century. Almost all Western corporations decamped from Moscow, helping cause a collapse in imports, and few look to be going back anytime soon. The NordStream 2 pipeline between Russia and Germany will have nothing but air whistling through its long tubes for the foreseeable future, and the Europeans are making strides toward energy independence from Moscow.

Sure, the Chinese will say to themselves, our economy is too big to sanction, and they would be largely correct. But could the West produce real pain-inducing sanctions on specific sectors? Absolutely. And at a moment when the Chinese economy has been slowed by the ravages of zero-Covid lockdowns, this prospect is particularly unappetizing.

Fourth, as the old saw goes, “all politics are local,” and Xi has a very delicate political situation before him. At the 20th Communist Party Congress late in the fall, he will almost certainly be given a third five-year term. It is a remarkable achievement, vaulting him into the company of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. He does not want a major conflict with the US to interfere with this anointment, and even after he fully consolidates control it seems unlikely he would quickly manufacture a crisis that could crater the global economy.

Finally, China’s military and political leaders probably assess that they are not (quite) ready for a full-scale war with the US. They have a backlog of military capability they will want to fully integrate into the People’s Liberation Army: a new strategic nuclear force, nuclear-powered warships (notably aircraft carriers), hypersonic missiles, improved offensive cyberwarfare techniques, and a far better satellite network for reconnaissance and actual combat in space.

A war between the US and China, of course, is possible in the near term. I co-authored a novel a year ago with the depressing title, “2034: A Novel of the Next World War.” But I wrote the book not as predictive fiction, but rather as a cautionary tale. The US still has time to construct the coherent strategy — militarily, diplomatically, economically, technologically — that could deter such a conflict. The clock is ticking, but the hour of maximum danger almost certainly lies some years ahead.

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-08-09/a-us-china-war-over-taiwan-isn-t-happening-anytime-soon?

Reply Quote

Date: 11/08/2022 15:54:34
From: Cymek
ID: 1919696
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


A US-China War Over Taiwan Isn’t Happening Anytime Soon
Here are five reasons a conflict won’t occur in the next 18 months, contrary to warnings from alarmists in and out of the Biden administration.

ByJames Stavridis
10 August 2022 at 09:30 GMT+10

Tensions, already very high between the US and China over Taiwan, were exacerbated by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s “farewell tour” visit to the island. Many analysts are warning that an invasion by Beijing could come sooner rather than later — within 18 months is a common projection — often citing the Ukraine conflict as a model: China playing the part of Russia and bringing what it views as a non-nation sharply to heel.

Based on many years of engagement with the Chinese around the Pacific both operationally and diplomatically, I believe we are years away from any potential military move by Beijing against Taipei, and it is particularly unlikely to happen in the immediate future. There are several reasons.

First, events in Ukraine are likely to give Chinese President Xi Jinping pause, not encouragement. He must be asking himself, “I wonder if my generals and admirals are as bad as those Russians appear to be?” Xi was probably assured by Putin, when they met at the Olympics in February, that this would be a sharp, short war and that the Russians would have full control of Ukraine before the West could get its collective boots on. Things turned out very differently for the Kremlin.

The Chinese military, similar in many ways to Russia’s, lacks even the level of combat experience the Russians had in Afghanistan, Chechnya and Syria, and in the previous invasions of Ukraine and Georgia.

A second reason for Chinese hesitancy is uncertainty about the Taiwanese. Would they fold or fight? Polling is never fully reliable, but all indications are that the Taiwanese have a strong sense of national identity and are unlikely to simply roll over when the first wave of Chinese missiles strike on the island. (Beijing gave a preview of its muscle in the exercises responding to the Pelosi visit.)

President Tsai Ing-wen is a steely leader — she’s not unlike Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskiy — and my assessment is that the Taiwanese will fight, and fight hard. The geography of the island — mountain and forest — is a nightmare for an invader, especially one that must mount the assault by sea.

Third, Beijing is watching the alignment of the Western democracies across Europe and the Far East in enacting crippling sanctions on Russia, causing Moscow to default on its debt for the first time in more than a century. Almost all Western corporations decamped from Moscow, helping cause a collapse in imports, and few look to be going back anytime soon. The NordStream 2 pipeline between Russia and Germany will have nothing but air whistling through its long tubes for the foreseeable future, and the Europeans are making strides toward energy independence from Moscow.

Sure, the Chinese will say to themselves, our economy is too big to sanction, and they would be largely correct. But could the West produce real pain-inducing sanctions on specific sectors? Absolutely. And at a moment when the Chinese economy has been slowed by the ravages of zero-Covid lockdowns, this prospect is particularly unappetizing.

Fourth, as the old saw goes, “all politics are local,” and Xi has a very delicate political situation before him. At the 20th Communist Party Congress late in the fall, he will almost certainly be given a third five-year term. It is a remarkable achievement, vaulting him into the company of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. He does not want a major conflict with the US to interfere with this anointment, and even after he fully consolidates control it seems unlikely he would quickly manufacture a crisis that could crater the global economy.

Finally, China’s military and political leaders probably assess that they are not (quite) ready for a full-scale war with the US. They have a backlog of military capability they will want to fully integrate into the People’s Liberation Army: a new strategic nuclear force, nuclear-powered warships (notably aircraft carriers), hypersonic missiles, improved offensive cyberwarfare techniques, and a far better satellite network for reconnaissance and actual combat in space.

A war between the US and China, of course, is possible in the near term. I co-authored a novel a year ago with the depressing title, “2034: A Novel of the Next World War.” But I wrote the book not as predictive fiction, but rather as a cautionary tale. The US still has time to construct the coherent strategy — militarily, diplomatically, economically, technologically — that could deter such a conflict. The clock is ticking, but the hour of maximum danger almost certainly lies some years ahead.

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-08-09/a-us-china-war-over-taiwan-isn-t-happening-anytime-soon?

By 2034 climate change should be hitting us quite bad and perhaps we are too busy with that to fight a large scale war

Reply Quote

Date: 11/08/2022 16:10:00
From: sibeen
ID: 1919700
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

A US-China War Over Taiwan Isn’t Happening Anytime Soon
Here are five reasons a conflict won’t occur in the next 18 months, contrary to warnings from alarmists in and out of the Biden administration.

ByJames Stavridis
10 August 2022 at 09:30 GMT+10

Tensions, already very high between the US and China over Taiwan, were exacerbated by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s “farewell tour” visit to the island. Many analysts are warning that an invasion by Beijing could come sooner rather than later — within 18 months is a common projection — often citing the Ukraine conflict as a model: China playing the part of Russia and bringing what it views as a non-nation sharply to heel.

Based on many years of engagement with the Chinese around the Pacific both operationally and diplomatically, I believe we are years away from any potential military move by Beijing against Taipei, and it is particularly unlikely to happen in the immediate future. There are several reasons.

First, events in Ukraine are likely to give Chinese President Xi Jinping pause, not encouragement. He must be asking himself, “I wonder if my generals and admirals are as bad as those Russians appear to be?” Xi was probably assured by Putin, when they met at the Olympics in February, that this would be a sharp, short war and that the Russians would have full control of Ukraine before the West could get its collective boots on. Things turned out very differently for the Kremlin.

The Chinese military, similar in many ways to Russia’s, lacks even the level of combat experience the Russians had in Afghanistan, Chechnya and Syria, and in the previous invasions of Ukraine and Georgia.

A second reason for Chinese hesitancy is uncertainty about the Taiwanese. Would they fold or fight? Polling is never fully reliable, but all indications are that the Taiwanese have a strong sense of national identity and are unlikely to simply roll over when the first wave of Chinese missiles strike on the island. (Beijing gave a preview of its muscle in the exercises responding to the Pelosi visit.)

President Tsai Ing-wen is a steely leader — she’s not unlike Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskiy — and my assessment is that the Taiwanese will fight, and fight hard. The geography of the island — mountain and forest — is a nightmare for an invader, especially one that must mount the assault by sea.

Third, Beijing is watching the alignment of the Western democracies across Europe and the Far East in enacting crippling sanctions on Russia, causing Moscow to default on its debt for the first time in more than a century. Almost all Western corporations decamped from Moscow, helping cause a collapse in imports, and few look to be going back anytime soon. The NordStream 2 pipeline between Russia and Germany will have nothing but air whistling through its long tubes for the foreseeable future, and the Europeans are making strides toward energy independence from Moscow.

Sure, the Chinese will say to themselves, our economy is too big to sanction, and they would be largely correct. But could the West produce real pain-inducing sanctions on specific sectors? Absolutely. And at a moment when the Chinese economy has been slowed by the ravages of zero-Covid lockdowns, this prospect is particularly unappetizing.

Fourth, as the old saw goes, “all politics are local,” and Xi has a very delicate political situation before him. At the 20th Communist Party Congress late in the fall, he will almost certainly be given a third five-year term. It is a remarkable achievement, vaulting him into the company of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. He does not want a major conflict with the US to interfere with this anointment, and even after he fully consolidates control it seems unlikely he would quickly manufacture a crisis that could crater the global economy.

Finally, China’s military and political leaders probably assess that they are not (quite) ready for a full-scale war with the US. They have a backlog of military capability they will want to fully integrate into the People’s Liberation Army: a new strategic nuclear force, nuclear-powered warships (notably aircraft carriers), hypersonic missiles, improved offensive cyberwarfare techniques, and a far better satellite network for reconnaissance and actual combat in space.

A war between the US and China, of course, is possible in the near term. I co-authored a novel a year ago with the depressing title, “2034: A Novel of the Next World War.” But I wrote the book not as predictive fiction, but rather as a cautionary tale. The US still has time to construct the coherent strategy — militarily, diplomatically, economically, technologically — that could deter such a conflict. The clock is ticking, but the hour of maximum danger almost certainly lies some years ahead.

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-08-09/a-us-china-war-over-taiwan-isn-t-happening-anytime-soon?

By 2034 climate change should be hitting us quite bad and perhaps we are too busy with that to fight a large scale war

Don’t bother reading the book…it was shit.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/08/2022 16:21:59
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1919709
Subject: re: China Politics

sibeen said:


Cymek said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

A US-China War Over Taiwan Isn’t Happening Anytime Soon
Here are five reasons a conflict won’t occur in the next 18 months, contrary to warnings from alarmists in and out of the Biden administration.

ByJames Stavridis
10 August 2022 at 09:30 GMT+10

Tensions, already very high between the US and China over Taiwan, were exacerbated by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s “farewell tour” visit to the island. Many analysts are warning that an invasion by Beijing could come sooner rather than later — within 18 months is a common projection — often citing the Ukraine conflict as a model: China playing the part of Russia and bringing what it views as a non-nation sharply to heel.

Based on many years of engagement with the Chinese around the Pacific both operationally and diplomatically, I believe we are years away from any potential military move by Beijing against Taipei, and it is particularly unlikely to happen in the immediate future. There are several reasons.

First, events in Ukraine are likely to give Chinese President Xi Jinping pause, not encouragement. He must be asking himself, “I wonder if my generals and admirals are as bad as those Russians appear to be?” Xi was probably assured by Putin, when they met at the Olympics in February, that this would be a sharp, short war and that the Russians would have full control of Ukraine before the West could get its collective boots on. Things turned out very differently for the Kremlin.

The Chinese military, similar in many ways to Russia’s, lacks even the level of combat experience the Russians had in Afghanistan, Chechnya and Syria, and in the previous invasions of Ukraine and Georgia.

A second reason for Chinese hesitancy is uncertainty about the Taiwanese. Would they fold or fight? Polling is never fully reliable, but all indications are that the Taiwanese have a strong sense of national identity and are unlikely to simply roll over when the first wave of Chinese missiles strike on the island. (Beijing gave a preview of its muscle in the exercises responding to the Pelosi visit.)

President Tsai Ing-wen is a steely leader — she’s not unlike Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskiy — and my assessment is that the Taiwanese will fight, and fight hard. The geography of the island — mountain and forest — is a nightmare for an invader, especially one that must mount the assault by sea.

Third, Beijing is watching the alignment of the Western democracies across Europe and the Far East in enacting crippling sanctions on Russia, causing Moscow to default on its debt for the first time in more than a century. Almost all Western corporations decamped from Moscow, helping cause a collapse in imports, and few look to be going back anytime soon. The NordStream 2 pipeline between Russia and Germany will have nothing but air whistling through its long tubes for the foreseeable future, and the Europeans are making strides toward energy independence from Moscow.

Sure, the Chinese will say to themselves, our economy is too big to sanction, and they would be largely correct. But could the West produce real pain-inducing sanctions on specific sectors? Absolutely. And at a moment when the Chinese economy has been slowed by the ravages of zero-Covid lockdowns, this prospect is particularly unappetizing.

Fourth, as the old saw goes, “all politics are local,” and Xi has a very delicate political situation before him. At the 20th Communist Party Congress late in the fall, he will almost certainly be given a third five-year term. It is a remarkable achievement, vaulting him into the company of Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. He does not want a major conflict with the US to interfere with this anointment, and even after he fully consolidates control it seems unlikely he would quickly manufacture a crisis that could crater the global economy.

Finally, China’s military and political leaders probably assess that they are not (quite) ready for a full-scale war with the US. They have a backlog of military capability they will want to fully integrate into the People’s Liberation Army: a new strategic nuclear force, nuclear-powered warships (notably aircraft carriers), hypersonic missiles, improved offensive cyberwarfare techniques, and a far better satellite network for reconnaissance and actual combat in space.

A war between the US and China, of course, is possible in the near term. I co-authored a novel a year ago with the depressing title, “2034: A Novel of the Next World War.” But I wrote the book not as predictive fiction, but rather as a cautionary tale. The US still has time to construct the coherent strategy — militarily, diplomatically, economically, technologically — that could deter such a conflict. The clock is ticking, but the hour of maximum danger almost certainly lies some years ahead.

https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-08-09/a-us-china-war-over-taiwan-isn-t-happening-anytime-soon?

By 2034 climate change should be hitting us quite bad and perhaps we are too busy with that to fight a large scale war

Don’t bother reading the book…it was shit.

Oh he’s that guy…

Reply Quote

Date: 11/08/2022 20:10:03
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1919779
Subject: re: China Politics

Spiny Norman said:

Looks pretty much like it’s more complicated to me.

Traditional Chinese Characters 繁體字
Simplified Chinese Characters 简体字


fair

Reply Quote

Date: 12/08/2022 13:42:16
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1919968
Subject: re: China Politics

lol why not

Hongkongers in Australia say billboards advertising Hong Kong as stable and prosperous are Beijing propaganda

Hongkonger not-for-profit groups have lodged complaints about the ads, arguing they vilify a section of the community

Political advertising is not regulated by Ad Standards

just Clive Palmer it

Reply Quote

Date: 12/08/2022 13:45:01
From: Tamb
ID: 1919971
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


lol why not

Hongkongers in Australia say billboards advertising Hong Kong as stable and prosperous are Beijing propaganda

Hongkonger not-for-profit groups have lodged complaints about the ads, arguing they vilify a section of the community

Political advertising is not regulated by Ad Standards

just Clive Palmer it


HK was a great place to visit. But now…

Reply Quote

Date: 14/08/2022 17:29:39
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1920905
Subject: re: China Politics

Pelosi’s Taiwan visit is just what Xi needed for the beach
Chinese president will have freer hand on personnel and party issues

Diana Choyleva
August 10, 2022 05:00 JST

Diana Choyleva is chief economist of Enodo Economics, a macroeconomic and political forecasting company in London.

Early August is the time of year when Chinese leaders gather with retired top officials at the pretty northern seaside resort town of Beidaihe to exchange views and discuss upcoming personnel changes.

This year’s burst of political horse-trading long looked to be intense given that it would set the stage for a Communist Party national congress in which Xi Jinping would be seeking a third term as party leader and put his stamp on other appointments. With top factions still deadlocked recently on a few positions, it looked like the congress might not convene until November.

But waves from U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit last week to Taiwan have splashed right onto the shore at Beidaihe, strengthening Xi’s hand in ways the California congresswoman undoubtedly never intended.

China’s authoritarian leader looks set to exploit the latest upswing in international tensions to have his way on appointments to the Politburo Standing Committee and other top bodies, ensuring his dominance over policymaking for the next five years. Xi may even push to call for the party congress to start as soon as September to close the door on brewing discontent and free his hand to address pressing economic and international issues, including a reorientation of COVID strategy.

Xi has a history of manipulating party protocols to his own advantage. His swift and decisive moves, including early convocation of previous party meetings, have in the past caught rivals off-guard. A prompt congress would prevent discontent among the party elite from gaining momentum among the rank and file.

The biggest argument for an early congress is economic. In 2012, when Xi became general secretary of the party, he pledged to realize the “China Dream,” but his statist policies have failed to make a dent in Beijing’s debt mountain. Instead, pressure on well-off urbanites from various directions and the party’s assault on Big Tech are killing both consumer demand and the entrepreneurial spirit in China.

By many measures, Xi has succeeded in his early pledge to curtail corruption. But provincial scandals, such as the recent protests in Henan over vanished bank deposits, show that old-style political campaigns are not enough. Underlying economic problems must be addressed. The sooner Xi cements his mandate for a third term, the sooner he can address pressing policy issues.

An early party congress could also extricate his government from its zero-COVID policy and set a new way forward. China’s initial response to the coronavirus pandemic may be hotly debated, but Xi’s ultimate choice of a hard lockdown no doubt saved hundreds of thousands, and perhaps millions, of Chinese lives.

Now, however, the zero-COVID policy is taking a toll on economic performance and on public tolerance for continued lockdowns as the rest of the world largely goes back to normal.

In recent months, Xi has made some economic policy concessions, acquiescing to the view of other Politburo Standing Committee members and retired party elders that resuscitating the economy, and ironing out logistics snafus caused by the lockdown of major cities, should be given as much priority as the total elimination of COVID.

A strong early party mandate could allow for a COVID policy reset. But while Xi may give some ground on economic issues, public support for a more aggressive stance on Taiwan in the wake of Pelosi’s trip will reinforce the president’s position in getting his way on military and security appointments.

Xi may also have geopolitical reasons to call an early congress. Aligning with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the Ukraine conflict made some sense for China geopolitically but has implicated Beijing in the disastrous military misadventure. Xi needs the bandwidth to maintain his relations with Moscow while not carrying water for Putin’s mistakes.

Where does this leave the rest of the world? An early party congress would leave Xi freer to face the inevitable challenges of the third term he has worked so hard to get. Addressing China’s economic stagnation and extricating it from zero-COVID will be beneficial to trading partners, especially in Asia.

But there is a danger, too. Xi’s vision of a China Dream involves resetting relations with the U.S., and the international order, to reflect Beijing’s restored heft and clout. Careful attention and discipline are needed to calibrate that shift and avoid an unintentional slide toward conflict — a risk that Pelosi’s visit has accentuated. The tragic assassination of former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has meanwhile removed a true statesman who provided balance in the region.

If Xi uses the tensions over Taiwan to strengthen his personal power, he will emerge from the upcoming party congress beholden to the forces within China that favor confrontation. An early congress, then, is a sign for those of us outside China to approach Taiwan, and other issues, with even more care.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/Pelosi-s-Taiwan-visit-is-just-what-Xi-needed-for-the-beach?

Reply Quote

Date: 8/09/2022 15:54:03
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1929682
Subject: re: China Politics

Hong Kong therapists guilty of sedition over cartoons of sheep and wolves

By Theodora Yu
September 7, 2022 at 6:35 a.m. EDT

HONG KONG — The children’s books featured cartoons of sheep and wolves. But in the brightly illustrated pages, Hong Kong authorities saw a sinister plot against the government — so they convicted the publishers of sedition.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/09/07/hong-kong-childrens-book-sedition-cartoon/?

Good to see the CCP has their priorities right.

Reply Quote

Date: 18/09/2022 07:08:00
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1934269
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s Ponzi-like property market is eroding faith in the government
Its meltdown could scarcely come at a worse time for Xi Jinping

Sep 12th 2022 | SHANGHAI

The 120km train ride between the cities of Luoyang and Zhengzhou is a showcase of economic malaise and broken dreams. From the window, endless half-built residential towers pass one after another for the duration of the hour-long journey. Many of the buildings are near completion; some are finished and have become homes. But many more are skeletons where construction ceased long ago. Developers have run out of cash and can no longer pay workers. Projects have stalled. Families will never get their homes.

The train ride through China’s heartland helps to explain one of the country’s biggest crises in recent memory: the public’s loss of confidence in the government’s economic model. For decades the property industry has been symbolic of China’s rise. Private entrepreneurs have made vast fortunes. Average people have witnessed their net worth soar as home values trebled. Local governments have filled their coffers by selling vast tracts of land to developers. An astonishing 70% of Chinese household wealth is now tied up in real estate.

To undermine trust in this model is to shake the foundations of China’s growth miracle. With sweeping covid-19 lockdowns and a crackdown on private entrepreneurs, this is happening on many fronts. But nowhere is it clearer than in the property industry, which makes up around a fifth of gdp. New project starts fell by 45% in July compared with a year ago, the value of new home sales by 29% and property investment by 12%. The effects are rippling through the economy, hitting furniture-makers and steelworkers alike. The crisis comes at a critical time for Xi Jinping, China’s leader, who will probably be granted a third term at a party congress in October.

Reviving trust in the system is crucial for Mr Xi and the Communist Party. Yet the government’s response has been disjointed and slow, with officials seemingly overwhelmed by the complexity of the situation. To regain faith in the housing market, the public needs to see stalled projects finished. Meanwhile, construction firms and workers need to be reimbursed, and investors paid back on their fixed-income products. All this must be done without reinflating the unsustainable debt bubble that the property market has become.

The housing crisis has two immediate causes. The first is a crackdown on the property industry’s excesses. Since August 2020 officials have restricted developers’ ratios of liabilities to assets, net debt to equity and cash to short-term debt, in a policy known as the three red lines. This has forced many to stop unsustainable borrowing and sell down assets, severely limiting their ability to continue building.

China’s zero-covid policy is a second blow. The central government has forced dozens of cities to lock residents in their homes for days, and sometimes weeks, on end when covid cases are discovered. At the time of writing, the megacities of Chengdu and Shenzhen are fully or partly locked down. The shutdowns have stopped people from viewing homes. They have also had an impact on the consumer psyche. Entrepreneurs fear the sudden closure of their businesses. Employees worry about being laid off. This sort of trepidation does not encourage homebuying.

The result is a crunch. China’s developers need to sell homes long before they are built to generate liquidity. Last year they pre-sold 90% of homes. But without access to bonds and loans, as banks cut their exposure to the property sector, and with sales falling, the Ponzi-like nature of the property market has come into full view.

Evergrande, the world’s most indebted developer, defaulted in December. An effort to restructure its offshore debts, intended as a model to follow, missed an end-of-July deadline. At least 28 other property firms have missed payments to investors or gone into restructuring. Trading in the shares of 30 Hong Kong-listed developers, constituting 10% of the market by sales, has been frozen, according to Gavekal, a research firm. In early August half of China’s listed developers traded at a price-to-earnings ratio of less than 0.5, the level that Evergrande traded at four months before it defaulted, notes Song Houze of MacroPolo, a think-tank.

Firms that just months ago were considered safe bets are now struggling. Earlier this year analysts dismissed concerns that Country Garden, China’s biggest developer by sales, would come under pressure. But on August 30th the firm revealed that profits for the first half of the year had fallen by almost 100%. The property market has “slid rapidly into severe depression”, it noted. The firm’s difficulties indicate that problems are no longer specific to certain developers. The entire industry is at risk.

Potential homebuyers have dropped out of the market. Far more worrying, though, are the millions waiting, often for years, for homes for which they have paid. Just 60% of homes that were pre-sold between 2013 and 2020 have been delivered.

Mr Liu, who has asked to be referred to by his family name, bought a flat in Zhengzhou in 2014, with an initial 250,000 yuan ($40,000) down-payment. The home was scheduled to be finished in 2017. But it never was. Instead, he rented a flat, eventually buying another in an old building. It is hardly the life he imagined. Mr Liu never started paying his mortgage and has engaged in endless discussions with the property developer about getting back his down-payment. “There’s no use,” he says.

Analysts have known of these problems for years, but had thought the authorities would not allow protests. Two years ago a report by pwc, an accounting firm, noted that when building stalls, the “unco-ordinated households normally have little ability to influence things”. This calculation has been turned on its head. A movement to collect data on the refusal to pay mortgages has taken officials by surprise. On July 12th volunteers began sharing data on social media. So far about 350 boycotts have been identified; analysts believe this is a fraction of the true number. State censors try to remove references to the information, but knowledge appears to spread nevertheless. As it does, others are persuaded to join in.

Investors and potential homebuyers are now watching with unease as the state puts together its response. For more than a decade cities have wielded a long list of rules and incentives to fine-tune real-estate markets, usually to reduce speculation and cool prices. These included limits over access to mortgages, as well as on who can buy homes and how many they can buy.

Cities are now loosening these rules. Between May and July municipal governments announced 304 individual measures to restore confidence, according to cicc, a Chinese investment bank. Zhengzhou, at the centre of the protests, was an early mover. In March it announced 18 actions to stimulate demand, including measures to make it easier to get mortgages and to allow families with elderly members to buy flats if they move to the city.

These have attracted attention—not because they have revived demand but because they seem to contradict central-government policy. In a video circulated on social media in August, a local Communist Party chief in Hunan province was seen calling on people to buy as many homes as possible: “Did you buy a third one? Then buy a fourth.” The message clashes with the one from Mr Xi himself, who has warned that “homes are for living in” and certainly not for speculative investment.

Local governments have also been encouraged by regulators and officials to create bail-out funds to invest in unfinished housing projects, and eventually to help deliver homes. Zhengzhou has allocated 80bn yuan ($12bn) to the cause. The thinking goes that local funds will be better suited to conditions on the ground.

Zhengzhou is also trying perhaps the most aggressive plan yet. City officials have issued a directive to developers that says all stalled construction must restart by October 6th. Insolvent companies that cannot do so must file for restructuring to bring in new investment, and repay down-payments made by homebuyers such as Mr Liu. Failure to do so could result in developers being investigated for embezzlement and other serious crimes.

For their part, policymakers have repeatedly cut mortgage rates since mid-May. To guarantee the supply of homes, the central government is fully guaranteeing bond issuance by private developers, shifting the risk to the state. Longfor, a struggling firm, priced a 1.5bn-yuan bond at a 3.3% coupon rate on August 26th, far below the market rate. This was possible solely because the bond was underwritten by China Bond Insurance, a state agency. More such issuance is planned to deliver liquidity to developers the government views as higher quality. It is the beginning of a programme to pick winners.

Another prong of state support takes the form of direct liquidity. On August 22nd the central bank and finance ministry said that they would back special loans from state-directed policy banks to finish pre-sold homes. The size of the programme has not been disclosed, but Bloomberg, a news service, reported that 200bn yuan would be made available.

This public spending is a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it will help deliver homes and restart mortgage payments, taking pressure off banks. But at the same time the cash is filling a hole created by bad local governance and dubious property developers. “That simply represents money that can’t be spent on stimulus elsewhere,” notes Alex Wolf of JPMorgan Chase, a bank.

Zhengzhou’s efforts to encourage new buyers since March have fallen flat. Conditions have continued to deteriorate, suggesting that tinkering with city policies is not enough. Local bail-out funds also look flimsy. On paper several cities have hefty pots, but they rely on local-government financing firms that are strapped for cash. Analysts are watching Zhengzhou’s attempt to restart all construction within a month, but many question if the necessary funds are available. The measures could unleash collapses among smaller developers, causing panic and financial turmoil.

Investors have more hope in the central government, but its response has so far failed to match the scale of the crisis. The 200bn-yuan lending programme may account for just 10% of what is needed to complete all unfinished homes. About $5trn-worth of residential property has been pre-sold since 2020, reckons Mr Song of MacroPolo, making a bail-out of even a fraction of these homes incredibly costly.

The central government has more levers to pull. Larry Hu of Macquarie, an investment bank, says a number of measures can be snapped into place. These include temporarily easing the three red lines policy, or vowing to act as a lender of last resort for all stalled projects. The latter, while expensive, is fully within the central government’s financial wherewithal.

The debate now focuses not on whether the central government can restore confidence, but on how far it is willing to go. The crackdown on leverage was meant to punish firms that had taken on too much debt. A bigger bail-out will encourage more developers to ask for assistance, pushing the government to subsidise more of the property sector, writes Allen Feng of Rhodium, a research firm: “quite the opposite of what was intended with the ‘three red lines’”.

The campaign against leverage was meant to bring the sector in line with demand. Officials have long acknowledged that developers were building too much. About 70% of homes sold since 2018 were bought by people who already owned one, estimates JPMorgan. Restricting debt was supposed to force firms to adjust to reality.

Demand is likely to fall as China’s population growth slows. Home sales reached 1.57bn square metres in 2021, more than twice as high as in 2007. But Chen Long of Plenum, another research firm, projects that real annual demand will fall to 0.88bn-1.36bn square metres over the next decade, as the demographic shift takes hold and urbanisation slows. Reinflating the market means propping up the bubble.

The government’s balancing act is fraught with risk. In mid-October the party congress will happen as cities lock down. Mortgage boycotts will rumble on, and possibly grow. Confidence in China’s economic foundations could cross a threshold, beyond which it becomes far more difficult to recover. Mr Xi’s third term will start in inauspicious circumstances.

https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2022/09/12/chinas-ponzi-like-property-market-is-eroding-faith-in-the-government?

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 10:09:59
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1936913
Subject: re: China Politics

https://www.withinnigeria.com/gist/2022/09/24/internet-abuzz-with-rumours-of-xi-jinpings-house-arrest-alleged-coup-in-china/

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 10:51:47
From: Tamb
ID: 1936921
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


https://www.withinnigeria.com/gist/2022/09/24/internet-abuzz-with-rumours-of-xi-jinpings-house-arrest-alleged-coup-in-china/


withjnnigeria. No doubt owned by the Nigerian Prince.

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 10:59:42
From: Michael V
ID: 1936926
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


https://www.withinnigeria.com/gist/2022/09/24/internet-abuzz-with-rumours-of-xi-jinpings-house-arrest-alleged-coup-in-china/

There are quite a number of reports of Twitter rumours of Xi Jinping’s house arrest and a coup in China.

Twitter rumours eh…

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 11:09:23
From: Dark Orange
ID: 1936933
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

https://www.withinnigeria.com/gist/2022/09/24/internet-abuzz-with-rumours-of-xi-jinpings-house-arrest-alleged-coup-in-china/

There are quite a number of reports of Twitter rumours of Xi Jinping’s house arrest and a coup in China.

Twitter rumours eh…

I think they’re based upon his (and one of his military ministers) apparently not turning up to an important military based gig a couple of days ago. A long bow, but we’ll see.

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 11:26:35
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1936954
Subject: re: China Politics

Dark Orange said:


Michael V said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

https://www.withinnigeria.com/gist/2022/09/24/internet-abuzz-with-rumours-of-xi-jinpings-house-arrest-alleged-coup-in-china/

There are quite a number of reports of Twitter rumours of Xi Jinping’s house arrest and a coup in China.

Twitter rumours eh…

I think they’re based upon his (and one of his military ministers) apparently not turning up to an important military based gig a couple of days ago. A long bow, but we’ll see.

shrug 김정은 is still beating right

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 11:32:26
From: party_pants
ID: 1936962
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


Dark Orange said:

Michael V said:

There are quite a number of reports of Twitter rumours of Xi Jinping’s house arrest and a coup in China.

Twitter rumours eh…

I think they’re based upon his (and one of his military ministers) apparently not turning up to an important military based gig a couple of days ago. A long bow, but we’ll see.

shrug 김정은 is still beating right

this will be interesting.

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 12:34:16
From: Michael V
ID: 1936978
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


Dark Orange said:

Michael V said:

There are quite a number of reports of Twitter rumours of Xi Jinping’s house arrest and a coup in China.

Twitter rumours eh…

I think they’re based upon his (and one of his military ministers) apparently not turning up to an important military based gig a couple of days ago. A long bow, but we’ll see.

shrug 김정은 is still beating right

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-09-25/north-korea-launches-ballistic-missile/101472062

Reply Quote

Date: 25/09/2022 12:54:17
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1936982
Subject: re: China Politics

PHake KNews ¡¡

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 05:13:26
From: PermeateFree
ID: 1937388
Subject: re: China Politics

Unsubstantiated reports that Chinese President Xi Jinping is under house arrest and that China is in the midst of a military coup swirled on social media on Saturday.

Among the unproven rumors circulating is that Li Qiaoming, a general for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), China’s military, has replaced Xi.


China’s President Xi Jinping attends a meeting with Russian President on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) leaders’ summit in Samarkand on September 15. Unsubstantiated reports that Jinping is under house arrest and has been replaced by a general named Li Qiaoming swirled on social media Saturday.

Li was born in 1961 and was promoted to serve as a general—the PLA’s highest rank—in 2019, according to Indian television station OdishaTV. Li is also a member of the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) central committee.

Li had been considered a contender to serve as a member of China’s Central Military Commission—a panel with authority over military decision—according to news outlet Nikkei Asia. Several members of the seven-member body are expected to retire next month.

Nikkei Asia reported that Li wrote an article that resonated with Xi, who has wanted to increase the communist party’s control over the army.

“The Soviet Union collapsed because the party didn’t have its own army,” Li’s article stated, according to the outlet.

Indian Twitter accounts have seemed to prominently promote the rumors about the Chinese president.

The rumor that Xi had been ousted was boosted by Indian politician Subramanian Swamy, who tweeted Saturday: “When Xi was in Samarkand recently, the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party were supposed to have removed Xi from the Party’s in-charge of Army. Then House arrest followed. So goes the rumour.”

Last week, Xi attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) leaders’ summit in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, and met with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

In his opening remarks, Putin wished Xi success at the Chinese Communist Party’s 20th National Congress next month. CCP members are expected to grant Xi an unprecedented third term as leader at the twice-a-decade event, which traditionally involves a change in leadership after two terms.

Gordon Chang, an expert on China and the author of the book, The Coming Collapse of China, tweeted Saturday that the “lack of news from #China over the last few hours suggests coup rumors are untrue, but whatever happened inside the #Chinese military during the last three days—evidently something unusual occurred—tells us there is turbulence inside the senior #CCP leadership.”

“The unexpected events in #China started right after #XiJinping came back from #Uzbekistan and disappeared from sight for days, something unusual for him. There are extremely few coincidences in elite #CCP politics,” he later added.

In an interview with Newsmax on Saturday, Chang said that there have been “unusual” and “abnormal” events occurring in China over the last few days, including the country’s decision to cancel 60 percent of its flights on Wednesday and suspend bus and high speed rail travel in and out of Beijing.

He also mentioned a widely shared video posted on Twitter is also reported to show a line of military vehicles up to 80 kilometers long heading into Beijing amid reports of a military coup.

“There’s been a lot of smoke, that says there is a fire somewhere. We don’t think that there has actually been a coup, but at this point there have been some extremely troubling developments at the top of the Communist Party as well as the top of the People’s Liberation Army, which reports to the party, so something is terribly wrong,” Chang said.

https://www.msn.com/en-au/news/world/li-qiaoming-general-at-center-of-china-coup-rumors-on-social-media/ar-AA12cBBd

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 05:19:52
From: PermeateFree
ID: 1937389
Subject: re: China Politics

Massive rumour making round on social media – many of them originated from China – have said that Chinese President Xi Jinping is under threat of military coup, and is set to be replaced as country’s President by a powerful military General Li Qiaoming. Li Qiaoming, who is among the most senior officials of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA), has served as commander of the Northern Theater Command from September 2017 to September 2022.


China’s Li Qiaoming – Army General rumoured to replace Xi Jinping in a coup

Li Qiaoming has served in various significant positions in the Chinese army, including as the Chief of Staff of the 361st Regiment, Commander of the 364th Regiment, Chief of Staff of the 124th Division, Deputy Chief of Staff of the 42nd Group Army, and Commander of the 124th Division of the 42nd Army.

In 2017, Li Qiaoming was elected as a member of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

Social media is abuzz with the rumours of Chinese President Xi Jinping being put under house arrest, and a possible coup taking place in the country, a week after two of its former minister were sentenced for corruption – a highly controversial decision in nation’s history.

As per the social media posts, many by experts across the fields from China itself, an unprecedented military movement was seen towards Xi Jinping’s residence in Beijing. Military vehicles were seen making a movement close to Xi’s residence. A few puported videos of such movements have also gone viral on social media. However, their is no official confirmation on the same.

A number of social media users from China said that a coup was almost confirmed as the country, without giving any specific reason, cancelled over 9,000 domestic flights. Some even said that military chief General Li Qiaoming is set to become next President.

PLA military vehicles heading to #Beijing on Sep 22. Starting from Huanlai County near Beijing & ending in Zhangjiakou City, Hebei Province, entire procession as long as 80 KM. Meanwhile, rumor has it that #XiJinping was under arrest after #CCP seniors removed him as head of PLA,” a Twitter user who goes by the name Jennifer Zeng said.

https://www.msn.com/en-in/news/world/who-is-chinas-li-qiaoming-army-general-rumoured-to-replace-xi-jinping-in-a-coup/ar-AA12dL0u

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 05:34:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1937390
Subject: re: China Politics

三人成虎

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 05:59:03
From: Michael V
ID: 1937391
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

三人成虎

LOLOLOLOL

:)

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 16:00:31
From: PermeateFree
ID: 1937545
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

三人成虎

It happens here too.

Reply Quote

Date: 26/09/2022 16:19:31
From: dv
ID: 1937554
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:


SCIENCE said:

三人成虎

It happens here too.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/09/2022 20:04:11
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1938046
Subject: re: China Politics

ah well

the formation has operated in accordance with international rules and norms

we suppose that doesn’t stop it being beaten up into Big News Inspiring Belligerent Thoughts does it

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-09-27/chinese-and-russian-warships-spotted-near-alaska/101477148

China has declared itself a “near Arctic” state and plans to build the world’s largest icebreaker, he said.

as in the world’s biggest coal power station right

Reply Quote

Date: 27/09/2022 20:32:58
From: dv
ID: 1938056
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

ah well

the formation has operated in accordance with international rules and norms

we suppose that doesn’t stop it being beaten up into Big News Inspiring Belligerent Thoughts does it

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-09-27/chinese-and-russian-warships-spotted-near-alaska/101477148

China has declared itself a “near Arctic” state and plans to build the world’s largest icebreaker, he said.

as in the world’s biggest coal power station right

heh

“China is an important stakeholder in Arctic affairs. Geographically, China is a “Near-Arctic State”, one of the continental States that are closest to the Arctic Circle. The natural conditions of the Arctic and their changes have a direct impact on China’s climate system and ecological environment, and, in turn, on its economic interests in agriculture, forestry, fishery, marine industry and other sectors.”
http://english.www.gov.cn/archive/white_paper/2018/01/26/content_281476026660336.htm

Well let’s analyse this claim. Some states have territory in the Arctic (USA, Russia, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden, United States, Canada, Iceland.

Countries that are closer to the Arctic Circle than China include Latvia, Estonia, Germany, Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Ireland. Just about tied with Netherlands.

I suppose of all the countries in the world China can say it is in the top 10% in this regard.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2022 04:17:01
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1940058
Subject: re: China Politics

An investigation into what has shaped Xi Jinping’s thinking
A new podcast series explores what lies behind the Chinese leader’s power

Sep 28th 2022

Just over ten years ago, Xi Jinping disappeared. He was then China’s leader-in-waiting, about to acquire a slew of titles that would make him arguably the most powerful man on Earth. Without explanation, his aides cancelled meetings with foreign dignitaries, including America’s then secretary of state, Hillary Clinton. Western analysts were baffled.

Outside observers are acutely sensitive to such absences. Over the past few days a prolonged stretch with no public sightings of Mr Xi again triggered wild rumours about his political welfare: on September 27th he put paid to them by visiting an exhibition highlighting the Communist Party’s achievements under his rule. But in 2012 those withdrawals from diplomatic appointments felt different. It was two weeks before Mr Xi resurfaced. To this day analysts wonder about what happened then and what it meant.

Speculation about why Mr Xi went dark has ranged from a health problem to an assassination attempt. Chris Johnson had recently left the cia, where he had worked as a China analyst. He thinks it was probably Mr Xi’s riposte to Communist Party elders who—while backing his rise to the top—had bristled at his eagerness for power unfettered by their opinions. “Find someone else to take the job, then,” Mr Johnson imagines Mr Xi as having told them. “It was a good opportunity for him to show, ‘I’m not going to be dictated to by any retired person’,” reckons the ex-spook. Mr Xi wanted to be “not just the first among equals, but just plain first.”

If that theory is correct, Mr Xi got his way. He has shown more might and ruthlessness than any leader since Mao Zedong, who died in 1976. The Economist is this week releasing an eight-part podcast, called “The Prince”, to examine Mr Xi’s rise.

He has conducted sweeping purges of the party and security forces to remove the corrupt and political enemies (including many allies of those elders). He has turned a fractured party that had disappeared from many ordinary people’s lives into an omnipresent, ideologically re-charged, tech-enabled machine. He has crushed dissent: wiping out much of civil society, building a gulag for Muslims in Xinjiang and gutting Hong Kong’s freedoms.

Mr Xi has turned sand banks in the South China Sea into fortresses, threatened Taiwan with military exercises near the island’s coast and increased the deployment of nukes to keep America at bay. He has beefed up China’s global power, using its economic heft in a battle for political influence with the West, which he scoffs at as being chaotic and in decline.

On October 16th the party will convene a five-yearly congress. It will last about a week and will reshuffle a broad swathe of the ruling elite. The new group will then meet to choose the core leadership for the next half-decade. It is almost certain that Mr Xi will be reappointed as party leader and military chief, and that he will be reconfirmed as president early next year. This will be unprecedented in the post-Mao era. The norm for these posts has been a maximum of two five-year terms. Mr Xi, it appears, has decided to be ruler for as long as he wants.

The past ten years have revealed a lot about his thinking. But as tensions grow with America, not least over Taiwan, studying his character has become an ever more pressing task. Could he be another Vladimir Putin, willing to take enormous risks to secure his territorial ambitions? How much does it matter to him if China and the West part company? Is he animated by a Marxist spirit that will upend the post-Mao economic order? Will he allow an obsession with preventing the spread of covid-19 to cripple one of the world’s biggest engines of economic growth?

Over the past few months The Economist has spoken to a wide range of people with insights into Mr Xi’s personality, from former officials in the West to Chinese familiar with the secretive world of their country’s elite and the influences that may have shaped Mr Xi’s political preferences as he rose to power. Some of their observations are quoted in this article. Audio extracts can be heard in The Economist’s podcast series by one of this newspaper’s writers on China, Sue-Lin Wong. It is now available, in full, online and on all major podcast apps.

The conclusions of this series have grim implications for China and the world. When Mr Xi assumed power in 2012 some observers were cautiously optimistic that he would turn out to be some kind of reformer: not another Mikhail Gorbachev, but at least someone who would rule with a lighter touch and try to get along with the United States and the West. Those hopes were dashed as it became evident that Mr Xi was determined to amass immense power, wield it ruthlessly against his own and the party’s critics, and use it to turn China into a global power of which the West would be in awe. The personal attributes that set Mr Xi on this path will keep driving him along it. So will the forces around him: a nationalistic elite, a party ever fearful of losing its grip and a public that welcomes a strongman.

Those optimists a decade ago included Chinese people familiar with the party’s inner workings. One of them was Li Rui, who had served as a deputy minister and as Mao’s personal secretary in the 1950s, had later spent nine years in jail for criticising Mao and who had been restored to high office in the 1980s under Deng Xiaoping. After his retirement he remained an outspoken advocate of economic and political reforms until his death in 2019. “Once Xi Jinping became the number one, my father was so happy,” recalls his daughter, Nanyang Li, who now lives in America. “My father told me, now is good…we have hope for our political system.”

Mr Li should have been well placed to judge. In 1982-84 he served in a crucial role as a deputy chief of the party’s Organisation Department, an agency that manages China’s vast bureaucracy and helps select officials for promotion. He was tasked with setting up a new office within it called the Young Cadres Bureau. Its job was to identify and groom young officials who could become China’s future leaders. The bureau compiled a list of 1,100 of them. Of the 14 men who were appointed to the pinnacle of power—the Politburo Standing Committee—after the party congress in 2007 and the following one in 2012, all but two were on that list drawn up four decades before. Mr Xi, who became general secretary in 2012, was on it. Mr Li had sent a subordinate to investigate his suitability.

So why were he, and many others, so wrong in their guesses about how Mr Xi would turn out as China’s leader? There are two main reasons. First, assessments in 2012 of Mr Xi’s personality were based largely on his family ties. He was the son of Xi Zhongxun, a veteran of the revolution that brought the party to power in 1949. The elder Mr Xi, who died in 2002, had been purged by Mao and rehabilitated by Deng. He was an economic reformer who, under Deng, oversaw the creation of China’s first “special economic zone”—what is now the dynamic megacity of Shenzhen. That experiment in capitalism had made the party’s conservatives squirm (some hardliners refused even to go there). Like father, like son, is a common feature of Chinese political culture. Many expected that the son of such a reformist pioneer would be of similar kind.

The other reason was a dearth of information. Before Mr Xi emerged as leader-in-waiting in 2007, he had kept his head down. His wife, Peng Liyuan (pictured), was a singer of patriotic folk ballads and opera songs and far more famous than he (she has ten albums on Spotify). After the Chinese army crushed the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989, she had performed on the square for the troops.

Mr Xi was a little-known politician who had neither said nor done anything striking. Unusually for a leader-in-the-making, he had spent 17 years in one province—Fujian on the south-eastern coast—before getting his first job as a provincial party chief in 2002 in neighbouring Zhejiang. Alfred Wu was a journalist for state media in Fujian who was assigned to cover Mr Xi’s activities. It was a dull job. “He was very quiet and a little bit timid,” says Mr Wu, who is now at the National University of Singapore. “People never imagined that he will become the national leader.”

In 2011, the year before Mr Xi took power, Joe Biden—then America’s vice-president under Barack Obama—went to China to meet Mr Xi, who by then was vice-president of his country, too (a clear sign that he had risen to become heir apparent). Mr Biden was accompanied by Evan Medeiros, who was the National Security Council’s China director. There was “very little that we knew” about Mr Xi, recalls Mr Medeiros. Mr Biden tried to build a rapport with China’s future leader: they awkwardly played a little basketball together during a visit to a school. Mr Xi came across as a “very controlled and very careful politician”, says Mr Medeiros.

Not much has changed. Since taking over, Mr Xi has given no face-to-face interviews to Western journalists, nor held any press conferences except brief ones alongside foreign leaders during state visits. His speeches often are not released until long after they are delivered (for example, one that discussed the Soviet Union’s collapse and the “extremely great risks and challenges” involved in keeping the Chinese Communist Party in power into the distant future was published on September 15th, well over four years after he gave it). Unlike Mr Putin, he does not give rambling monologues on state television. While extending China’s power globally, Mr Xi has kept himself cloaked in mystery. His recent disappearance from public view followed a trip to Central Asia that was his first abroad since covid-19 was declared a pandemic.

Mr Biden’s visit to China in 2011 did provide a glimmer of insight. Daniel Russel, who was Mr Medeiros’s boss in the White House, recalls a dinner at which Mr Xi “talked at some considerable length” about the upheavals that had been toppling authoritarian leaders in Arab countries that year. Mr Xi mused on what might have caused these events: he pointed to corruption, factionalism within ruling parties and leaders’ loss of touch with ordinary citizens and their needs. The same things could topple the Communist Party if it failed to get its act together, Mr Russel recalls him saying.

Perhaps the biggest mistake made by observers at the time was underestimating how much Mr Xi was driven by a fear of the party’s collapse, how far he would go to prevent it, and how widely shared his concerns were within the ruling elite. Much of Mr Xi’s behaviour as leader, including his chest-thumping nationalism, can be explained as a response to the anxieties he conveyed to Mr Biden in 2011.

He was right to sense danger. China had been changing dramatically in the few years previously. A large home-owning middle class had emerged within the previous decade or two. With the rapid growth of private enterprise, the party’s grassroots presence had withered: by then most urbanites felt little connection with it. Social media had just emerged as a tool for communication; smartphone ownership was surging. Across China people were using these technologies to share grievances. Small ngos were springing up, championing the rights of the downtrodden.

And splits were emerging in the party. A rival to Mr Xi, Bo Xilai, was vying for attention in the south-western region of Chongqing, where he was party chief. Mr Bo—charismatic and good-looking—was winning public support by ostentatiously fighting corruption and appealing to lingering nostalgia for the supposedly fairer days of Mao, when the state provided housing and health care for urbanites.

Mr Bo, a member of the Politburo, was arrested for corruption and abuse of power early in 2012. After Mr Xi took over, months later, he put Mr Bo on trial. He was sentenced in 2013 to life in jail. Officials suggested that he had plotted a coup. Several others, including China’s former security overlord, Zhou Yongkang, and two retired generals, were accused of being in cahoots. Assets worth more than $14bn were seized from Mr Zhou’s family and associates.

Many analysts were surprised by Mr Xi’s ability to topple such powerful people. Mr Zhou had held the highest rank of anyone convicted of corruption since 1949. The generals had served as the most senior uniformed officers in the party commission that controls the armed forces. The trial of Mr Bo and the round-up of these men in the first three years of Mr Xi’s rule was a political drama rivalling that of the arrest in 1976, soon after Mao’s death, of the Gang of Four—the ultra-radicals who had orchestrated Mao’s vicious Cultural Revolution.

The purge was enabled by two crucial features of Mr Xi’s power and personality. The first is the support he enjoyed within the elite. The West saw a country that had weathered the storm of the global financial crisis of 2007-09 and was rising fast. Inside China, however, party insiders were less optimistic. They privately criticised Mr Xi’s lacklustre predecessor, Hu Jintao, for having let the country drift and the party lose its discipline. For the party to survive, they believed, it was essential to inject it with a renewed sense of purpose, and to tighten control over it. Mr Xi’s talk of a “Chinese dream” of the country’s “great rejuvenation” struck a chord with many.

Redder than red
The other asset that Mr Xi enjoyed was his pedigree. In China, Mr Xi is known (in whispers) as a taizi, or princeling. The word is most commonly applied to the offspring of leaders, especially the children of Communist China’s founders. Members of this group enjoy political advantage. Among the first 600 or so promising young officials identified by the Young Cadres Bureau in the early 1980s, about 5% were princelings. In the Politburo Standing Committee that Mr Xi took charge of in 2012, the majority were.

Our podcast series is called “The Prince”, the title of Niccolo Machiavelli’s work on how to be a ruler. As Machiavelli wrote, some 500 years ago, “Hereditary states…are maintained with far less difficulty than new states, since all that is required is that the Prince shall not depart from the usages of his ancestors.” Mr Xi may disagree with how easy that makes it sound (Machiavelli himself might have written differently about a colossus such as China). But the Chinese president clearly believes that preserving the party’s traditional ideological rhetoric—no matter how out of keeping with many aspects of today’s state-led capitalism—is vital for keeping its 97m members in lockstep and himself in charge.

In 2009 the American embassy in Beijing sent a classified cable to Washington (later published by Wikileaks) about the assessment of one unnamed—but clearly trusted—Chinese academic who had known Mr Xi early in the Chinese leader’s career. “Our contact is convinced that Xi has a genuine sense of ‘entitlement’, believing that members of his generation are the ‘legitimate heirs’ to the revolutionary achievements of their parents and therefore ‘deserve to rule China’,” said the dispatch. Mr Xi was not driven by ideology, it quoted the scholar as saying, but had chosen to survive by “becoming redder than red”. By cloaking himself in communism, he would be seen by the party elite as a safe pair of hands.

In terms of how Mr Xi has chosen to craft his image, the contact proved more correct than the optimistic liberals. In the past few months officials around the country have been made to watch (yet another) film about the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The documentary points to a big lesson: that the giants of communism’s past must not be criticised. Attacking Stalin, as the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev did in 1956, sowed the seeds of ruin.

Mr Xi is no Maoist. He wants to bring private entrepreneurs to heel but not eliminate them, as Mao did—their contribution to the economy is too valuable to be dispensed with. Unlike Mao, who was happy to wreck party structures in pursuit of Utopian goals, Mr Xi wants to strengthen the country’s political and economic framework, keeping the party firmly in control.

To Mr Xi, the party as an institution matters more than it did to Mao. During the Cultural Revolution, Mao tried to purge his critics by unleashing the Red Guards—spontaneously formed gangs of radicals, independent of the party. In many places they seized local power, attacking party officials and party organisations for being “reactionary”, or insufficiently Maoist. Mr Xi’s family was among those targeted. His father was tortured. His half-sister killed herself to avoid similar treatment.

That experience may have bolstered Mr Xi’s belief in a strong party. It needed beefing up to prevent chaos like that again. Giving freer rein to the masses was dangerous. “What I see is not just the superficial things: the power, the flowers, the glory, the applause,” said Mr Xi in 2000. “I see the cow sheds”—meaning Red Guard detention houses—“and how people can blow hot and cold.”

Few people dare to blow cold about Mr Xi—those who have done so have been jailed or otherwise punished. He has used the party as his weapon, injecting party committees into private firms and reviving them in neighbourhoods. Party cells have been leading the mass mobilisation of people to enforce covid-related lockdowns, round up virus-carriers and put them in supervised quarantine, and conduct endless nucleic-acid tests and door-to-door inspections. In Xinjiang party secretaries were given the final say over who would be sent to detention camps for “deradicalisation”. Mr Xi has created new party groups, often with himself in charge, to oversee the work of government ministries. As he puts it: “East, west, south, north and centre—the party leads everything.”

As does Mr Xi. He is in charge of all of the government’s main portfolios, including economic policy, which previous general secretaries had put in the hands of the prime minister. After next month’s party congress, when the new leadership line-up is revealed, much attention will be paid to the unprecedented third term as general secretary that he will almost certainly be granted. But given the power he has, he had always been likely to remain paramount leader even if he had decided to give the job of party chief to someone else. Even Deng, who tried to introduce a more orderly system of succession, wielded ultimate authority years after stepping down.

Mr Xi, who is 69, is therefore likely to rule, formally or informally, for as long as he is fit enough to do so. He could, conceivably, be toppled, but that would be difficult in the high-tech surveillance state he has created. In his remaining years, little is likely to change in China or abroad to the extent that he would decide not to rule with an iron fist or challenge America.

Yet Mr Xi remains haunted by the fate of the Soviet Union and still sees enemies at home. Despite what appears to be strong public approval of his rule, he has reason to worry. In the past couple of years he has been waging war against a “political faction” in the police. Officials say it was posing a “serious threat to political security”. In the past few days the alleged ringleader, Sun Lijun, who had served as a deputy minister of public security, was given a suspended death sentence that could be commuted to life in prison without parole. Several others were given lengthy jail terms.

A new helmsman
As the economy slows, the public’s support may ebb. Mr Xi will be even more inclined to clamp down on dissent, and will become even more suspicious of private businesspeople in charge of giant firms who might challenge his policies. He has identified himself personally with China’s “zero-covid” strategy. Despite its heavy drag on the economy, and ever louder grumbling from citizens affected by draconian lockdowns, he is unlikely to abandon it until he is sure that doing so will not lead to a surge in deaths. But as a nationalist he is unlikely to hasten use of foreign vaccines that would enable China to make a swifter exit.

Abroad, Mr Xi will remain just as determined to chip away at American power in China’s neighbourhood and beyond. He sees a growing threat from America, as it tries to strengthen bonds with democratic countries to counter Chinese influence and to sever Chinese access to cutting-edge technologies. It is not known what he truly thinks of the war in Ukraine, but he will continue to back Russia diplomatically, seeing it as a vital bulwark of authoritarianism. Taiwan should continue to worry. Mr Xi has not shown signs of being a reckless risk-taker like Mr Putin. Especially given Mr Biden’s repeated suggestions that America would defend Taiwan militarily, he cannot be sure of swift victory should he decide to try to conquer it (a bigger challenge in some ways than subduing Ukraine, given its terrain and distance from the mainland). But taking Taiwan remains a stated party goal. Mr Xi is rapidly building up the hardware needed to do so.

Optimists may pin hope on change for the better in China when Mr Xi eventually passes from the political scene. They may be proved right. More liberal-minded leaders have occasionally risen in Communist China, though never to the apex of power. But the broader political elite that helped Mr Xi’s rise—including retired leaders, generals and the princelings—may prefer to keep China on much the same political track after he is gone.

As Mr Xi puts it, China is experiencing “changes not seen in 100 years” at home and globally. Amid such uncertainties, most of the ruling elite would probably like a firm hand on the tiller—another “helmsman”, as fawning officials are beginning to call Mr Xi—just as they appreciated Deng’s decision to send the army into Tiananmen Square. Despite his larger-than-life, domineering personality and rule-changing ways, Mr Xi represents continuity in Chinese politics as much as change. Even imagining a China without him, it is hard to be sanguine.

https://www.economist.com/briefing/2022/09/28/an-investigation-into-what-has-shaped-xi-jinpings-thinking?

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:12:21
From: dv
ID: 1942644
Subject: re: China Politics

Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:30:35
From: Bubblecar
ID: 1942653
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

He’s trying to score the Nobel Prize in Trolling.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:34:18
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1942654
Subject: re: China Politics

Bubblecar said:


dv said:

Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

He’s trying to score the Nobel Prize in Trolling.

He could be seeking inroads to China.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:44:03
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1942657
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:

“peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

Yeah, after all, that worked out s-o-o-o well for Hong Kong, right?

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:45:40
From: Spiny Norman
ID: 1942660
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


Bubblecar said:

dv said:

Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

He’s trying to score the Nobel Prize in Trolling.

He could be seeking inroads to China.

There’s already at least one Gigafactory and huge Tesla plant there.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:47:15
From: wookiemeister
ID: 1942661
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


dv said:

“peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

Yeah, after all, that worked out s-o-o-o well for Hong Kong, right?


They should never have handed over Hong Kong.

Hong Kong was owned by imperial China not communist China. A lot of Chinese in Hong Kong thought everything would be fine after the takeover

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:48:54
From: wookiemeister
ID: 1942662
Subject: re: China Politics

wookiemeister said:


captain_spalding said:

dv said:

“peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

Yeah, after all, that worked out s-o-o-o well for Hong Kong, right?


They should never have handed over Hong Kong.

Hong Kong was owned by imperial China not communist China. A lot of Chinese in Hong Kong thought everything would be fine after the takeover


Hong Kong was handed over to Britain as reparation for losing the opium wars – british companies trying to pump opium into china

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 13:56:42
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1942665
Subject: re: China Politics

wookiemeister said:


wookiemeister said:

captain_spalding said:

Yeah, after all, that worked out s-o-o-o well for Hong Kong, right?


They should never have handed over Hong Kong.

Hong Kong was owned by imperial China not communist China. A lot of Chinese in Hong Kong thought everything would be fine after the takeover


Hong Kong was handed over to Britain as reparation for losing the opium wars – british companies trying to pump opium into china

Nasty beginnings, but the British had no obligation to return Hong King island, which had been ceded to Britain in perpetuity.

The New Territories, on the shores of mainland China, were another matter. It was those Territories which were governed by the 99 year lease to Britain.

However, Hong Kong island on its own would be untenable without the New Territories, and so when the lease expired, it really left Britain with no option but to give the lot back.

The Chinese would not have been able to balk at the British keeping the island, if they’d so wished, as it was China which was keen to see the ‘enforcement’ of one 19th century agreement, so they could hardly have complained if the British insisted on the maintenance of another 19th century arrangement.

But, that was never going to be the case.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 14:07:09
From: wookiemeister
ID: 1942667
Subject: re: China Politics

The best thing China should do is have some kind of treaty with taiwan

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 14:15:38
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1942668
Subject: re: China Politics

Bubblecar said:


dv said:

Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

He’s trying to score the Nobel Prize in Trolling.

I thought Musk stopped smoking pot.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 14:15:48
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1942669
Subject: re: China Politics

wookiemeister said:


The best thing China should do is have some kind of treaty with taiwan

Something like that might work.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 14:19:29
From: dv
ID: 1942673
Subject: re: China Politics

Welp, there seems to have been a run on plums. Not really expecting any fresh ones at this time of year but I’ve been to 3 stores and they’ve none in the canned, jarred, dried or frozen categories. Just empty shelf space with a label, showing where the plums lived in happier times.

Normally this wouldn’t bother me but I rather promised my daughter I’d make one of her favourite foodstuffs, which includes plums in the recipe.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/10/2022 17:06:44
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1942721
Subject: re: China Politics

Bubblecar said:

dv said:

Elon Musk’s unsolicited idea for Taiwan welcomed by Beijing, slammed in Taipei

Hong KongCNN Business — 

As tensions between China and Taiwan simmer at their highest point in decades, officials in both places have clashed in recent days over an unsolicited idea from billionaire Elon Musk.

The world’s richest man suggested in an interview that hostilities between the two could be resolved if Taipei handed some control of the democratically governed island to Beijing, prompting praise from China and predictable outrage in Taiwan.

“My recommendation … would be to figure out a special administrative zone for Taiwan that is reasonably palatable, probably won’t make everyone happy,” Musk told the Financial Times in an interview published on Friday. “And it’s possible, and I think probably, in fact, that they could have an arrangement that’s more lenient than Hong Kong.”

China’s ambassador to the United States, Qin Gang, thanked Musk for his suggestion in a tweet Saturday, calling for “peaceful unification and one country, two systems.”

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/10/10/media/elon-musk-china-taiwan-intl-hnk/index.html

He’s trying to score the Nobel Prize in Trolling.

Never let a good business opportunity get away ¡

Reply Quote

Date: 17/10/2022 12:22:19
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1945203
Subject: re: China Politics

Though he did not mention the U.S. by name, his distrust of the world’s other great power was an unmistakable backdrop as Xi warned of potential obstacles ahead. “Get the house in good repair before rain comes, and prepare to undergo the major tests of high winds and waves, and even perilous, stormy seas,” he said. Here are updates from the congress.

NYTimes email newsletter

Those remarks by Xi are quotes of Chinese idioms. The western equivalent would be be quoting lines from the bible verbatim in a policy speech although in Chinese the idioms are usually 4 characters whose use together has a definite meaning.

One idiom ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’ used in the film of the same name roughly translates as ‘there are many people here with unexpected talents’.

Reply Quote

Date: 17/10/2022 12:23:34
From: roughbarked
ID: 1945204
Subject: re: China Politics

Director of Public Prosecutions Shane Drumgold asked Senator Cash if she was aware of the alleged incident earlier than she had said.

“The question is, I’m putting to you that you were aware, you were fully aware in October 2019 that Brittany Higgins had made an allegation that she was sexually assaulted by Bruce Lehrmann,” he said.

“I can’t accept that,” Senator Cash said.

“I don’t accept that.”

Mr Drumgold asked Senator Cash if it would be a political issue for her party if the allegations were to be released publicly.

“Absolutely not… I don’t know how it could be politically embarrassing,” she responded.

Mr Drumgold also asked Senator Cash if she denied any knowledge of the event in court.

“Are you familiar with the term plausible deniability?” Mr Drumgold asked.

“I’m not quite sure what you’re referring to,” Senator Cash responded.

“Plausible deniability with regard to an allegation of sexual assault by one staff member against another staff member in a government minister’s office,” he said.

“I do apologise, I don’t understand what you’re trying to ask me,” Senator Cash said.

“I’m suggesting that you were aware of what Ms Higgins alleged during the course of her employment with you.” Mr Drumgold said.

Senator Cash denied that she had heard of the alleged sexual assault earlier than February 5, 2021

Reply Quote

Date: 19/10/2022 23:06:16
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1946304
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:

There are no open border crossings between China and India, nor between China and Bhutan.

so what we’re saying is that China is a set which contains all its limit points

Reply Quote

Date: 19/10/2022 23:56:19
From: dv
ID: 1946321
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

dv said:

There are no open border crossings between China and India, nor between China and Bhutan.

so what we’re saying is that China is a set which contains all its limit points

It does have border crossings with Afghanistan, Burma, North Korea, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Laos, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Vietnam.

It has land boundary disputes with Russia, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, North Korea, South Korea, India, Bhutan, and maritime/insular disputes with Japan, Vietnam, Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia.

Reply Quote

Date: 21/10/2022 02:58:42
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1946735
Subject: re: China Politics

EDITORIAL
Xi’s grip on power will be felt far beyond China
The Age’s View

October 18, 2022 — 6.52pm

This week, Xi Jinping – the son of a man purged from high office and sent to the countryside to help manage a tractor factory – will confirm himself in a third five-year term as the head of the Chinese Communist Party and through it the People’s Republic.

To achieve this summit of personal power, Xi has had to roll back term limits put in place decades ago, in the aftermath of Mao Zedong’s absolute rule and its catastrophic consequences for the Chinese people. He has been able to do so largely because, in an era of global crises and economic uncertainty, he has promised “common prosperity” and made himself the symbol of political continuity and stability.

As our North Asia correspondent Eryk Bagshaw pointed out in his profile, the installation of “Xi Jinping Thought” as the party’s line means that to criticise the leader is now the same as criticising the state. But this cuts both ways; having made himself the unrivalled source of power and policy, Xi will now be identified with the party-state’s handling of all the challenges before it.

They are enormous, yet in some cases strangely familiar. Long after Victoria and New Zealand said goodbye to zero-COVID strategies, China is still committed to one, using harsher lockdowns and stifling economic activity. Beijing’s insistence on self-reliance through less-effective homegrown vaccines has led to it being overwhelmed by the Omicron variant and its sub-variants.

The country is sitting on a property market timebomb, with construction stalled and developers drowning in debt. The first sign of the extent of this problem was the default of development giant Evergrande in 2021. At a time when governments here are being pushed to build affordable housing, Xi has repeatedly declared that “houses are built to be inhabited, not for speculation”. But there has been little to suggest since then that China’s leaders can find a way out of this mess, other than moving the mountain of debt to state-owned companies.

More than a decade after the global financial crisis, China is hurtling towards a reckoning on reckless bank lending to people whose incomes and spending are stagnating, with the only thing preventing 2008-style runs on Chinese banks being Beijing’s array of oppressive powers. Because Xi underwrites those, any signs of protest – from Hong Kong to Xinjiang, and from July’s mass demonstration by bank depositors in Henan province to last week’s lone anti-lockdown protester in Beijing – are automatically seen not as grievances to be addressed but threats to national security.

Any economic crisis in China would severely affect the global outlook, but also brings the danger that Xi might seek to overcome internal difficulties by assailing external adversaries. As Shanghai-based activist Ji Xiaolong noted after an April anti-lockdown protest there, Chinese officials’ reaction to dissent is that “behind every problem, every protest, is also a plot” by foreign forces.

In February, Xi welcomed Russian President Vladimir Putin – another leader who has managed to circumvent all constraints on his tenure – to Beijing, and in the shadow of the Olympic flame declared that their partnership had “no limits”.

Putin’s power to shape the world around him and perpetuate his personal rule is being tested through bloody destruction in Ukraine. The vital question for China and all those who do business with it is whether Xi can avoid such a path or whether the quest for absolute security and unchallenged rule will lead him to some reckless action that might prove his undoing.

At a time when the West is seeking to constrain Chinese power while avoiding military confrontation, hopes for “common prosperity” both within China and beyond it may hinge on whether Xi can imagine a different approach to absolute leadership. The signs are not promising.

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/xi-s-grip-on-power-will-be-felt-far-beyond-china-20221017-p5bqbw.html

Reply Quote

Date: 21/10/2022 03:00:41
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1946736
Subject: re: China Politics

Xi to tighten his grip on power by promoting key lieutenants
By Eryk Bagshaw
October 18, 2022 — 7.13pm

Xi Jinping is set to tighten his grip on the highest levels of the Chinese Communist Party by bringing in key lieutenants into his seven-man cabinet and surrounding himself with loyalists.

The promotions, expected to be announced on Sunday, will entrench the Chinese President’s dominance over the Politburo Standing Committee, and allow him to pursue his economic, ideological and foreign affairs priorities with even fewer dissenting voices at top of the Party hierarchy.

Li Keqiang – China’s number two, the leader of the rival Communist Youth League faction and a relatively moderate economic voice in Beijing – will have to step down from his role as Premier after serving two terms. Li, 67, is young enough to remain on the Standing Committee in a different role but may choose to retire. That has opened the door to Xi’s protégé Li Qiang, the current party boss of Shanghai – who despite bungling the city’s response to COVID-19 in May – has been persistently raised as a top candidate.

Dr Willy Lam, an adjunct professor at the Centre for China Studies at the University of Hong Kong, said Li Qiang’s elevation would indicate Xi has locked in his monopoly on power.

“There’s a long tradition of the party secretary of Shanghai becoming a member of the Standing Committee but in the eyes of foreigners, if you look at the way the pandemic was handled in Shanghai, he is a total failure,” said Lam. “He also has no national achievements.”

Yang Zhang, an assistant professor at the American University in Washington said if Li Qiang becomes premier, “then any power balance at the top ceases to exist”.

Xi’s chief of staff, Ding Xuexiang, who has worked alongside Xi since 2007 is also set for promotion, The South China Morning Post and The Wall St Journal reported on Tuesday.

“I think at the central level of the party machinery and of the party hierarchy, we will have Xi Jinping and Ding Xuexiang,” said Lam.

“It is possible that Xi will get five members of the Standing Committee. If you look at previous standing committees, almost all of them since Deng Xiaoping have maintained a rough factional balance between the conservatives and the liberals.

“Five factional members will be lopsided. It is abnormal and goes against Party tradition.”

The entrance of four loyalists into Xi’s cabinet would create a “Xi unbound scenario” the Asia Society Policy Institute said in a briefing ahead of the Party Congress, in which “Xi’s influence proves to be unconstrained, and he takes full advantage to set up his ideal .”

Lam said the retirement of Li Keqiang without a replacement of similar stature would effectively eliminate the factional threat of the more liberal Communist Youth League, putting it on course to join former President Jiang Zemin’s Shanghai Clique in being largely shut out of high office.

“That would be a very bad scenario,” said Lam.

Ding, who runs Xi’s office and the Central Committee’s general office, could replace Li Zhanshu, the 72-year-old chairman of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee, or vice-premier Han Zheng, 68, who has also reached retirement age.

Both of their retirements would leave room for one more younger Xi loyalist to join the Standing Committee with Chen Min’er and Li Xi the most likely potential candidates. Chen went to Tsinghua University with Xi in the 1970s and was then parachuted in as the Party Secretary of Chongqing in southwestern China by Xi in 2017. Li, the Party Secretary of Guangdong province – home to megacities Guangzhou and Shenzhen – has been a family friend of Xi’s since the 1980s.

Zhao Leji, Xi’s anti-corruption enforcer would likely remain in this scenario. As would Wang Huning, China’s chief ideologist, who has served former presidents Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao. Wang, the faceless man of Chinese politics is the architect of “Xi Jinping Thought”, Xi’s ideological blueprint that is now entrenched in China’s constitution.

“He is the brain of Xi Jinping,” said Lam.

But two appointments on Sunday could also show that Xi’s power is not as strong as expected. Wang Yang, who is currently on the Standing Committee, is considered the compromise candidate for Premier. The 67-year-old has been historically linked with Li’s Communist Youth League faction and has been in favour of market-led reforms.

“There are essentially two sides in this debate over Chinese economic policy. The first is what might be termed ‘Fortress China’ led by Xi and his ‘Xi Jinping Economic Thought’,” the Asia Society Policy Institute said.

“A second group that could be called the ‘Reform and Opening’ faction, however, feels that Xi’s economic policies have… ultimately damaged China’s economic prospects – resulting in rapidly slowing growth and threatening China’s future as a superpower.”

The Premier’s position will not be formally announced until March at the National People’s Congress, but the order in which the Standing Committee members walk on stage on Sunday behind Xi will indicate their seniority. Hu Chunhua, a protégé of former president Hu Jintao who is also aligned with Li’s more economically liberal group, could step up from the 25-member Politburo to the seven-member Standing Committee if Li manages to retain some factional power.

China’s foreign policy establishment is also preparing for a reshuffle. Yang Jiechi, the veteran diplomat who berated US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in Alaska in March last year is scheduled to retire at 72. His deputy, Foreign Minister Wang Yi is 69, making him technically too old to join the 25-member Politburo. Neither Yang nor Wang are part of the seven-member standing committee, where foreign policy is largely run by Xi and his ideological guide Wang Huning.

Lam said he expected Xi to make an exception for Wang Yi to join the Politburo despite being past retirement age. That leaves his position as Foreign Minister open to his deputy Ma Zhaoxu, who was Beijing’s Ambassador to Australia between 2013 and 2016.

Ma, 59, presided over a relatively harmonious period in Australia-China relations but was hauled in by former prime minister Tony Abbott in 2013 after Beijing declared an air identification zone over islands in the East China Sea.

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/xi-to-tighten-his-grip-on-power-by-promoting-key-lieutenants-20221018-p5bqpq.html

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 01:00:00
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1947473
Subject: re: China Politics

clean

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-22/hu-jintao-chinese-ex-president-escorted-out-of-party-congress/101566426

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 01:29:50
From: dv
ID: 1947483
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

clean

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-22/hu-jintao-chinese-ex-president-escorted-out-of-party-congress/101566426

Interesting

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 01:33:29
From: sibeen
ID: 1947484
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


SCIENCE said:

clean

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-22/hu-jintao-chinese-ex-president-escorted-out-of-party-congress/101566426

Interesting

Just Xi making sure the trash is taken out.

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 01:45:15
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1947485
Subject: re: China Politics

sibeen said:

dv said:

SCIENCE said:

clean

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-22/hu-jintao-chinese-ex-president-escorted-out-of-party-congress/101566426

Interesting

Just Xi making sure the trash is taken out.

we thought he already did that by infecting the world and foisting Lockdown on all of us



https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-04/coronavirus-bin-isolation-outing-viral-costume-facebook-group/12116574

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 17:44:06
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1947679
Subject: re: China Politics

seeing as y’al’r’ so enthusiastic about the rotating doors with Ruddetc here and Cameronetc in the motherland, we thought y’al’d be relieved that there is good news for stability in the world order

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-23/chinese-leader-xi-jinping-named-to-third-term/101567072

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 17:47:08
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1947684
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

seeing as y’al’r’ so enthusiastic about the rotating doors with Ruddetc here and Cameronetc in the motherland, we thought y’al’d be relieved that there is good news for stability in the world order

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-23/chinese-leader-xi-jinping-named-to-third-term/101567072

Cameron? That pig-f***er?

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 18:01:46
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1947692
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

seeing as y’al’r’ so enthusiastic about the rotating doors with Ruddetc here and Cameronetc in the motherland, we thought y’al’d be relieved that there is good news for stability in the world order

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-23/chinese-leader-xi-jinping-named-to-third-term/101567072

Cameron? That pig-f***er?

Unlike the seemingly permanent mediocracy in the CCP Cameron had the good grace to make a quiet exit from national leadership.

Reply Quote

Date: 23/10/2022 19:10:54
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1947737
Subject: re: China Politics

Xi Jinping has no interest in succession planning
The longer he clings to power, the harder it will be to engineer an orderly transition

Oct 20th 2022

The emperor Qin Shi Huang is celebrated for unifying China, starting its Great Wall and building himself a vast mausoleum, guarded by an army of terracotta warriors. Less widely known is what happened after he died in 210bc on a tour of eastern China. According to the historian Sima Qian, aides concealed the death until the imperial entourage reached the capital, in order to stop his eldest son and heir from taking power. They had food sent to the royal carriage and handled business from there as before. Carts of fish were placed nearby to mask the corpse’s stench. The ruse paid off at first. The eldest son committed suicide and a younger one, backed by the scheming aides, took the throne. But he proved weak. Within four years he was dead and the Qin dynasty collapsed.

Imperial Chinese history is littered with succession sagas tainted by bloodshed and skulduggery. Communist China was not much better for its first six decades. When Hu Jintao handed power to Xi Jinping in 2012 after ten years in office, it was the first complete, orderly leadership transition since the revolution in 1949. A decade later, however, Mr Xi is set to be granted a third five-year term—breaching the norms Mr Hu helped to establish—after the Communist Party’s congress ends on October 22nd. And with no end to the Xi era in sight, China is once again confronting questions that have plagued its history. How does an all-powerful leader retire? And what happens if one suddenly dies or is incapacitated?

China’s succession norms were admittedly flimsy and mostly unwritten. Deng Xiaoping, who took power in 1978, introduced them to protect against Mao-era despotism and Soviet-style gerontocracy. That did not stop him from wielding huge power almost until his death in 1997, aged 92. His successor, Jiang Zemin, also meddled in politics long after retiring. Some see 2012 as an anomaly. Yet the partial institutionalisation of succession, combined with collective leadership, provided enough stability to underpin an extraordinary economic expansion. With the shift back to one-man rule, some scholars now foresee succession problems common to other modern-day autocracies—as well as China’s own emperors.

Among such scholars is Erica Frantz at Michigan State University, who has compiled and analysed data on 301 authoritarian regimes from 1946 to 2020. She and her colleagues conclude that as autocrats concentrate power in their own hands, they tend to extend their own tenure—often considering themselves indispensable and fearing elite recriminations if they retire. But that often comes at the expense of the regime they represent. “These choices that Xi Jinping is making are positive for him in the short term, but in terms of the longer time horizon, they are elevating the risk that the regime will see instability and perhaps an earlier collapse,” says Ms Frantz.

One way for authoritarian regimes to enhance their resilience is to establish rigid term limits. The best example is Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party, which enforced a one-term cap on the presidency while in power from 1929 to 2000. That is rare, though. Another way is to designate a successor, clearly and early. But autocrats other than monarchs often avoid that, even when old or sick. Some fear the elite will reject their choice, as when Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe tried to hand power to his wife in 2017. Others worry that the anointed heir will try to seize power prematurely, as Mao’s second one, Lin Biao, was accused of doing in 1971.

Another concern for autocrats is that designating a successor implies an intention to step down imminently, limiting their options and undermining their authority. That is a more likely rationale for Mr Xi, who did not elevate a potential heir to the Politburo Standing Committee—the top leadership body—at the previous congress, as earlier norms required. Two or more next-generation Chinese leaders might be on the new Standing Committee to be unveiled on October 23rd. But none is considered a successor and Mr Xi, now 69, is widely thought to be planning another ten years in power, if not longer.

Although that may foster stability by clearly signalling Mr Xi’s intent, it also increases the risk that he dies or becomes seriously ill while in office. Democracies can obviously face such problems too: America’s current president is 79. Unlike America, though, China has no clear line of succession or procedures for filling unplanned leadership vacancies. An autocrat’s sudden death or incapacitation seldom leads to regime collapse in the short term. The elite usually coalesces around a replacement to protect its own interests. But it can cause infighting. A bitter power struggle erupted in China even before Mao’s death in 1976. Ill health, often concealed from the public, can also cause the kind of paralysis that plagued the Kremlin under its hospital-bound leaders Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko.

Mr Xi appears in fine enough fettle. But as a portly former smoker who was a local official in a period when regular banqueting and heavy drinking were de rigueur, he would be lucky to have avoided some associated ailments. And there have been occasional rumours of ill health, especially after he appeared to walk with a slight limp on a visit to Europe in 2019. The speech he gave at the congress on October 16th was about 90 minutes shorter than his three-and-a-half-hour marathon in 2017. Among the retired leaders on stage (many of whom now forgo the black hair dye they used in office), a white-haired Mr Hu (79) appeared markedly more frail than at past appearances—a reminder of how mortality could catch up with Mr Xi over the next decade.

If Mr Xi’s health endures, there is still time for him to identify one or more potential successors, possibly at the next congress in 2027 or the one after. But whoever replaces him will inevitably struggle to match his authority, especially if nominated relatively late. That is one reason why Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela’s president, has had trouble filling the shoes of Hugo Chávez, who named him as successor just three months before dying in 2013. China’s next leader will face an elite dominated by Xi loyalists and highly invested in the status quo—with no clear norms for how long to stay in power. “There will be power fragmentation and struggle after Xi’s rule,” predicts Yang Zhang of American University in Washington. “Without basic rules, succession means struggle. It’s just about when, and who will be involved.”

Research on China’s emperors reaches some similar conclusions. Yuhua Wang of Harvard University has compiled data on 282 emperors across 49 dynasties. He found that dynasties lasted for 70 years on average and the most common cause of collapse was elite rebellion. About half of all emperors died naturally. But identifying a successor made an emperor 64% less likely to be deposed. And their chances of dying naturally and preserving their dynasty increased further if they appointed an heir within five years of taking power—a similar timescale to the succession norms that Mr Xi is dismantling.

Mr Xi may not have crunched the data in the same way. But he displays an avid interest in China’s imperial past, frequently quoting from historical texts. Mao, whom Mr Xi emulates in so many ways, was also a fan of China’s ancient history. He often referred to the “Zizhi Tongjian”, a chronicle published in 1084 that recounts the lessons learned from previous Chinese emperors. That did not help him engineer a smooth succession. Of his heirs, one died in prison, another was killed in a plane crash after a failed coup attempt, and the last was toppled after just two years in power. Perhaps Mr Xi will fare better. But the longer he clings to power, history suggests, the harder that becomes.

https://www.economist.com/china/2022/10/20/xi-jinping-has-no-interest-in-succession-planning?

Reply Quote

Date: 28/10/2022 02:31:48
From: dv
ID: 1949603
Subject: re: China Politics

NETHERLANDS

China accused of operating ‘secret police stations’ in the Netherlands

https://www.euronews.com/2022/10/26/china-accused-of-operating-secret-police-stations-in-the-netherlands

Reply Quote

Date: 28/10/2022 06:26:56
From: roughbarked
ID: 1949626
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:


NETHERLANDS

China accused of operating ‘secret police stations’ in the Netherlands

https://www.euronews.com/2022/10/26/china-accused-of-operating-secret-police-stations-in-the-netherlands

They’ve got them in Australia too.

Reply Quote

Date: 30/10/2022 02:45:44
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1950267
Subject: re: China Politics

bastard CHINA police state restricts more Australian trade

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-29/hong-kong-seizes-meth-headed-to-australia/101594190

Reply Quote

Date: 30/10/2022 02:54:51
From: party_pants
ID: 1950270
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

bastard CHINA police state restricts more Australian trade

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-10-29/hong-kong-seizes-meth-headed-to-australia/101594190

let’s bomb them

or let us start development on the capability to bomb them

Reply Quote

Date: 3/11/2022 13:39:56
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1951886
Subject: re: China Politics

How a Mysterious China Screenshot Spurred $450 Billion Rally
Unverified post claimed top officials mulling reopening plan
Investors are desperate for signs Covid Zero policy will ease

ByBloomberg News
2 November 2022 at 20:00 GMT+11Updated on3 November 2022 at 10:30 GMT+11

Nobody is quite sure who wrote it, when it was written or if it’s even true. But a screenshot of four paragraphs detailing a China reopening plan was enough for traders to scoop up stocks for two days running.

The unverified post, which contained black characters on a white background with no identifying marks, first began circulating on Monday night in WeChat social messaging groups filled with analysts and fund managers, according to accounts by a dozen investors who asked not to be identified. By the next morning, it was spreading like wildfire.

The screenshot claimed that China’s No. 4 official Wang Huning — one of seven men on the powerful Politburo Standing Committee — held a meeting on Sunday of Covid-19 experts at the request of President Xi Jinping. It called Xi “big boss” and used “WHN” to refer to Wang in a bid to sidestep censors, who strictly manage messages and social media posts on China’s political elite.

Representatives at the meeting, which included members of the economic and propaganda departments, discussed “speeding up a conditional opening plan, with the goal of substantially opening by March next year,” it said.

The post gained more traction when it was shared at 11:26 a.m. by “96 Old Stock Trader” on Xueqiu, a Chinese-language financial platform. Less than 20 minutes later, prominent Hong Kong-based economist Hong Hao tweeted something similar — and stocks in the MSCI China Index were well on their way to a $320 billion rally. More gains on Wednesday brought the two-day total to $450 billion.

While Beijing initially stayed mum on the rumors, late Wednesday the China National Health Commission issued a fresh reaffirmation that the country would “firmly adhere” to Xi’s Covid Zero policy. But even that failed to dampen traders’ enthusiasm: US-listed China stocks kept rallying after the announcement.

Investors have been looking for reasons to scoop up Chinese stocks, which are among the worst performers in the world this year as the economy grows near the slowest pace in four decades. Equities saw a historic rout last week after Xi consolidated power in a twice-a-decade personnel reshuffle, and the yuan weakened to a 14-year low.

Covid lockdowns, weak consumption and an ailing housing sector have all clouded the investment outlook in China. And now that Xi has put his allies in key positions, hope is building for steps to boost the economy at the next annual session of China’s legislature in March.

“Reopening is not a decision that can be made overnight,” said Hong, a partner and chief economist at hedge fund Grow Investment Group. “It has to be through careful study and communication. That is why most of us think that after the Twin Sessions in March is a good time to reopen.”

Any easing carries big risks for Xi: Vaccination levels in China for people age 60 or older are lower than countries such as Singapore and South Korea. China’s official Xinhua News Agency last month cited a study saying that an uncontrolled omicron wave could overwhelm the hospital system and lead to nearly 1.6 million deaths — about 50% more than the US has recorded so far.

That scenario would undermine Xi’s approach both at home and abroad, and risk making him look weak at a time when the Communist Party leadership is facing criticism over a slowing economy.

Chinese stocks in Hong Kong extend rallies to second day

On Wednesday, more rumors were afoot as the rally continued. Twitter user Shanghai Macro Strategist, who claims to be a China strategist and has more than 14,000 followers, posted screenshots purporting to be from two Chinese brokerages reporting upcoming changes to China’s Covid policies. The user declined to comment further in a message to Bloomberg News.

One screenshot showed Haitong Securities Co. saying a meeting would be held Friday to ease quarantine requirements and remove circuit breakers for flights, among other measures. The brokerage said the screenshot wasn’t true in an emailed reply to Bloomberg News.

The other screenshot cited three analysts from Tianfeng Securities Co. saying that virus controls would be loosened. When contacted by Bloomberg News, all three analysts said they weren’t aware of any information about Covid policy.

Even as the Communist Party offers little transparency and severely restricts press freedom, officials in Beijing discouraged investors from reading too much into international media reports on China.

“A lot of media reports, let me put it this way, they really don’t understand China very well and they have a short-term focus,” Fang Xinghai, a vice chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, said in prerecorded remarks to Hong Kong’s banking summit on Wednesday. “I would advise the international investors to find out what’s really going on in China and what’s the real intention of our government by themselves.”

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-11-02/how-a-mysterious-china-screenshot-spurred-a-450-billion-rally?

Some bright spark probably made millions with this market friendly spiel. This would be investigated by financial authorities for market manipulation in most OECD countries.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/11/2022 13:48:22
From: Michael V
ID: 1951892
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


How a Mysterious China Screenshot Spurred $450 Billion Rally
Unverified post claimed top officials mulling reopening plan
Investors are desperate for signs Covid Zero policy will ease

ByBloomberg News
2 November 2022 at 20:00 GMT+11Updated on3 November 2022 at 10:30 GMT+11

……snip……

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-11-02/how-a-mysterious-china-screenshot-spurred-a-450-billion-rally?

Some bright spark probably made millions with this market friendly spiel. This would be investigated by financial authorities for market manipulation in most OECD countries.

I reckon.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/11/2022 14:05:49
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 1951896
Subject: re: China Politics

“Kerry King, the tarot queen, uses tarot and star sign wisdom to create inspiring forecasts and insights, with over 25 years fortune telling experience, and many happy clients all over the world. You can book a personal, written reading, which comes as a beautifully illustrated brochure, through Etsy or join her new Tarot Club and get weekly forecasts and more for £5 a month.”

That’s a small amount to pay for the comfort of knowing what the day, week or month holds for you.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/11/2022 08:45:44
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1954028
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s Business Elite See the Country That Let Them Thrive Slipping Away
The business class, which shunned politics, is now questioning if there is still a place for it in a system dominated by one ruler, Xi Jinping.

Li Yuan
Nov. 7, 2022

For decades, China’s business class had an unspoken contract with the Communist Party: Let us make money and we’ll turn a blind eye to how you use your power.

Like most Chinese people, they bought into the party’s argument that its one-party rule provides more efficient governance.

Now, the tacit agreement that entrepreneurs had come to count on is dissolving in front of their eyes. China’s leader, Xi Jinping, used an important Communist Party congress last month to establish near-absolute power and make it clear that security will trump the economy as the nation’s priority.

“My last lingering hope was dashed,” said the founder of an asset management firm in the southern city of Shenzhen who contacted me hours after the congress ended.

“Totally finished, completely lost control and absolutely terrifying,” a tech entrepreneur in Beijing texted me after seeing the party’s new leadership lineup, which is packed with Mr. Xi’s acolytes.

Like many Chinese, they fully expected Mr. Xi to secure a third term, breaking a norm followed since the 1980s. Still, they held on to the hope that his dominance would be tempered by other power factions within the party. Mr. Xi’s sweeping victory, by pushing out perceived moderates in favor of loyalists, made it clear that it would be a one-man-rule system that could last for decades.

China’s last leader as powerful as Mr. Xi, 69, was Mao Zedong, who led the country into the Great Famine and the Cultural Revolution, which resulted in tens of millions of deaths, social chaos and economic destruction.

Last month’s party congress jolted the Chinese business world with uncertainty. It was seen publicly in the immediate market response: China’s stocks plunged, and its currency, the renminbi, fell in value. I am hearing it in the voices and messages of the many businesspeople I have spoken to in recent weeks who repeatedly call their reaction a “political depression.”

They are not displaying their anxiety in public, unlike a young demonstrator I wrote about in my last column. All the businesspeople I interviewed for this article requested anonymity for fear of punishment by the authorities. But they are expressing dissent in their own way, pledging to withhold further investment in China or even contemplating leaving their country for another that would exchange a passport for their wealth.

The party, under Mr. Xi, has taken control of nearly every aspect of society, costing Chinese people agency over their destinies. Members of the business class, especially those working at the top of the technology sector who operated with relatively few restrictions until a few years ago, have taken it especially hard.

These tech entrepreneurs mostly grew up “in the age of ‘economism,’ when money making, economic principles and economic rationality trumped everything else,” said Minxin Pei, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “Now they see the regime puts politics in command,” he said. “For them, this is incomprehensible.”

In the past decade, Mr. Xi’s economic thinking can be summed up like this: bigger roles for the state and smaller roles for the market. He left the private sector largely alone in his first term, when he was busy consolidating his power within the party and the military. In his second term, which began in 2017, Mr. Xi kept private enterprises on a much tighter leash. The government cracked down on businesses, sending some of the country’s most successful businesspeople into early retirement or self-imposed exile. China’s harsh “zero-Covid” policy has left the economy in the worst shape in decades.

To Chinese in the business elite, who grew accustomed to the privilege and attention their success brought, the Big Boss, as many of them refer to Mr. Xi, doesn’t care about the economy or people like them. In his opening address at the party congress, Mr. Xi mentioned “security” 52 times, “Marxism” 15 times and “markets” three times.

A photo of seven men in dark suits and white shirts standing on a stage in front of a red backdrop.
China’s leader, Xi Jinping, center, solidified his dominant role at the Communist Party congress.Credit…Ng Han Guan/Associated Press

“There’s no question about the shift both in political rhetoric and in action and in also the appointment of the team,” said Professor Pei, who said he believed that Mr. Xi’s leadership lineup showed that he did not value expertise in managing a market-oriented economy. “He values people who can implement his policy regardless of the economic consequences.”

That makes the business community anxious. Under Mr. Xi, the ability of China’s bureaucracy to dictate to the public has increased while its ability to govern has decreased, Guoguang Wu, an adviser to former Premier Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s, told me on my Chinese-language podcast.

“When the ability to govern decreases, even in the absence of any particular policy from the top, the ineptitude, brutality, and ignorance of lower-level officials will brew disasters for the common people they rule over,” said Mr. Wu, who is a senior research scholar at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions.

Many businesspeople have lost a lot of money under “zero-Covid,” which has shuttered cities and locked millions of people in their homes for weeks at a time as the government seeks to eliminate the coronavirus.

“Under the leadership of this dictator, our great country is falling into an abyss,” said a hardware tech executive in Shenzhen. “But you can’t do anything about it. It pains and depresses me.”

Despite many conversations over the years, we never talked about politics. I was surprised when he called after the party congress to talk about his “political depression.” He said he used to be very nationalistic, believing that the Chinese were among the smartest and hardest-working people in the world. Now, he and many of his friends spend most of their time hiking, golfing and drinking. “We’re too depressed to work,” he said.

Until a year ago, his start-up was doing so well that he was planning to take it public. Then he lost a big chunk of his revenues, and his new hires sat idly with nothing to do when cities were locked down under the “zero-Covid” rules. He said now he had no choice but to lay off more than 100 people, sell his business and move his family to North America.

“Since the dark night has descended,” he said, “I’ll deal with it the dark night way.”

The tech entrepreneur from Beijing who texted me after the party congress recounted a chilling experience. In May, when there were rumors that Beijing could be locked down, he felt he could not tell his employees to leave work early and stock up on groceries. He was worried that he could be reported for spreading rumors — something that had gotten people detained by the police. He told them only that they should feel free to leave early if they had things to take care of.

This successful businessman is now applying to emigrate to a European country and the United States.

Just like many ordinary Chinese people, the executives I spoke to said they were horrified by the video of Hu Jintao, Mr. Xi’s predecessor as China’s top leader, being abruptly led out of the closing ceremony of the party congress. They did not accept the official government explanation that Mr. Hu had to leave early because of health issues.

If Mr. Xi could remove his predecessor like that, several of them said, he could do anything to anyone.

A well-connected investor in Beijing said his friends who were entrepreneurs now realized they could no longer remain indifferent to politics. At social gatherings, they have started discussing which countries to seek passports from, and how to move their assets offshore. At social gatherings, hosts are asking friends to surrender their phones to be kept in a separate place for fear of surveillance.

After the party congress, most people in the investors’ circle expect that they will be forced to pay more in taxes or be expected to donate more money to universities and other state-backed charities. They are not planning to make any big investments.

“We’re all anxious,” he said. “We’re at a loss of what to do at this historical crossroad.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/07/business/xi-jinping-china-party-congress.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 9/11/2022 16:14:00
From: PermeateFree
ID: 1954222
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


China’s Business Elite See the Country That Let Them Thrive Slipping Away
The business class, which shunned politics, is now questioning if there is still a place for it in a system dominated by one ruler, Xi Jinping.

Li Yuan
Nov. 7, 2022

For decades, China’s business class had an unspoken contract with the Communist Party: Let us make money and we’ll turn a blind eye to how you use your power.

Like most Chinese people, they bought into the party’s argument that its one-party rule provides more efficient governance.

Now, the tacit agreement that entrepreneurs had come to count on is dissolving in front of their eyes. China’s leader, Xi Jinping, used an important Communist Party congress last month to establish near-absolute power and make it clear that security will trump the economy as the nation’s priority.

“My last lingering hope was dashed,” said the founder of an asset management firm in the southern city of Shenzhen who contacted me hours after the congress ended.

“Totally finished, completely lost control and absolutely terrifying,” a tech entrepreneur in Beijing texted me after seeing the party’s new leadership lineup, which is packed with Mr. Xi’s acolytes.

Like many Chinese, they fully expected Mr. Xi to secure a third term, breaking a norm followed since the 1980s. Still, they held on to the hope that his dominance would be tempered by other power factions within the party. Mr. Xi’s sweeping victory, by pushing out perceived moderates in favor of loyalists, made it clear that it would be a one-man-rule system that could last for decades.

China’s last leader as powerful as Mr. Xi, 69, was Mao Zedong, who led the country into the Great Famine and the Cultural Revolution, which resulted in tens of millions of deaths, social chaos and economic destruction.

Last month’s party congress jolted the Chinese business world with uncertainty. It was seen publicly in the immediate market response: China’s stocks plunged, and its currency, the renminbi, fell in value. I am hearing it in the voices and messages of the many businesspeople I have spoken to in recent weeks who repeatedly call their reaction a “political depression.”

They are not displaying their anxiety in public, unlike a young demonstrator I wrote about in my last column. All the businesspeople I interviewed for this article requested anonymity for fear of punishment by the authorities. But they are expressing dissent in their own way, pledging to withhold further investment in China or even contemplating leaving their country for another that would exchange a passport for their wealth.

The party, under Mr. Xi, has taken control of nearly every aspect of society, costing Chinese people agency over their destinies. Members of the business class, especially those working at the top of the technology sector who operated with relatively few restrictions until a few years ago, have taken it especially hard.

These tech entrepreneurs mostly grew up “in the age of ‘economism,’ when money making, economic principles and economic rationality trumped everything else,” said Minxin Pei, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “Now they see the regime puts politics in command,” he said. “For them, this is incomprehensible.”

In the past decade, Mr. Xi’s economic thinking can be summed up like this: bigger roles for the state and smaller roles for the market. He left the private sector largely alone in his first term, when he was busy consolidating his power within the party and the military. In his second term, which began in 2017, Mr. Xi kept private enterprises on a much tighter leash. The government cracked down on businesses, sending some of the country’s most successful businesspeople into early retirement or self-imposed exile. China’s harsh “zero-Covid” policy has left the economy in the worst shape in decades.

To Chinese in the business elite, who grew accustomed to the privilege and attention their success brought, the Big Boss, as many of them refer to Mr. Xi, doesn’t care about the economy or people like them. In his opening address at the party congress, Mr. Xi mentioned “security” 52 times, “Marxism” 15 times and “markets” three times.

A photo of seven men in dark suits and white shirts standing on a stage in front of a red backdrop.
China’s leader, Xi Jinping, center, solidified his dominant role at the Communist Party congress.Credit…Ng Han Guan/Associated Press

“There’s no question about the shift both in political rhetoric and in action and in also the appointment of the team,” said Professor Pei, who said he believed that Mr. Xi’s leadership lineup showed that he did not value expertise in managing a market-oriented economy. “He values people who can implement his policy regardless of the economic consequences.”

That makes the business community anxious. Under Mr. Xi, the ability of China’s bureaucracy to dictate to the public has increased while its ability to govern has decreased, Guoguang Wu, an adviser to former Premier Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s, told me on my Chinese-language podcast.

“When the ability to govern decreases, even in the absence of any particular policy from the top, the ineptitude, brutality, and ignorance of lower-level officials will brew disasters for the common people they rule over,” said Mr. Wu, who is a senior research scholar at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions.

Many businesspeople have lost a lot of money under “zero-Covid,” which has shuttered cities and locked millions of people in their homes for weeks at a time as the government seeks to eliminate the coronavirus.

“Under the leadership of this dictator, our great country is falling into an abyss,” said a hardware tech executive in Shenzhen. “But you can’t do anything about it. It pains and depresses me.”

Despite many conversations over the years, we never talked about politics. I was surprised when he called after the party congress to talk about his “political depression.” He said he used to be very nationalistic, believing that the Chinese were among the smartest and hardest-working people in the world. Now, he and many of his friends spend most of their time hiking, golfing and drinking. “We’re too depressed to work,” he said.

Until a year ago, his start-up was doing so well that he was planning to take it public. Then he lost a big chunk of his revenues, and his new hires sat idly with nothing to do when cities were locked down under the “zero-Covid” rules. He said now he had no choice but to lay off more than 100 people, sell his business and move his family to North America.

“Since the dark night has descended,” he said, “I’ll deal with it the dark night way.”

The tech entrepreneur from Beijing who texted me after the party congress recounted a chilling experience. In May, when there were rumors that Beijing could be locked down, he felt he could not tell his employees to leave work early and stock up on groceries. He was worried that he could be reported for spreading rumors — something that had gotten people detained by the police. He told them only that they should feel free to leave early if they had things to take care of.

This successful businessman is now applying to emigrate to a European country and the United States.

Just like many ordinary Chinese people, the executives I spoke to said they were horrified by the video of Hu Jintao, Mr. Xi’s predecessor as China’s top leader, being abruptly led out of the closing ceremony of the party congress. They did not accept the official government explanation that Mr. Hu had to leave early because of health issues.

If Mr. Xi could remove his predecessor like that, several of them said, he could do anything to anyone.

A well-connected investor in Beijing said his friends who were entrepreneurs now realized they could no longer remain indifferent to politics. At social gatherings, they have started discussing which countries to seek passports from, and how to move their assets offshore. At social gatherings, hosts are asking friends to surrender their phones to be kept in a separate place for fear of surveillance.

After the party congress, most people in the investors’ circle expect that they will be forced to pay more in taxes or be expected to donate more money to universities and other state-backed charities. They are not planning to make any big investments.

“We’re all anxious,” he said. “We’re at a loss of what to do at this historical crossroad.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/07/business/xi-jinping-china-party-congress.html?

The enemy within. The West needed China to slow down, although it will probably heighten belligerence.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/11/2022 16:19:25
From: Cymek
ID: 1954225
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

China’s Business Elite See the Country That Let Them Thrive Slipping Away
The business class, which shunned politics, is now questioning if there is still a place for it in a system dominated by one ruler, Xi Jinping.

Li Yuan
Nov. 7, 2022

For decades, China’s business class had an unspoken contract with the Communist Party: Let us make money and we’ll turn a blind eye to how you use your power.

Like most Chinese people, they bought into the party’s argument that its one-party rule provides more efficient governance.

Now, the tacit agreement that entrepreneurs had come to count on is dissolving in front of their eyes. China’s leader, Xi Jinping, used an important Communist Party congress last month to establish near-absolute power and make it clear that security will trump the economy as the nation’s priority.

“My last lingering hope was dashed,” said the founder of an asset management firm in the southern city of Shenzhen who contacted me hours after the congress ended.

“Totally finished, completely lost control and absolutely terrifying,” a tech entrepreneur in Beijing texted me after seeing the party’s new leadership lineup, which is packed with Mr. Xi’s acolytes.

Like many Chinese, they fully expected Mr. Xi to secure a third term, breaking a norm followed since the 1980s. Still, they held on to the hope that his dominance would be tempered by other power factions within the party. Mr. Xi’s sweeping victory, by pushing out perceived moderates in favor of loyalists, made it clear that it would be a one-man-rule system that could last for decades.

China’s last leader as powerful as Mr. Xi, 69, was Mao Zedong, who led the country into the Great Famine and the Cultural Revolution, which resulted in tens of millions of deaths, social chaos and economic destruction.

Last month’s party congress jolted the Chinese business world with uncertainty. It was seen publicly in the immediate market response: China’s stocks plunged, and its currency, the renminbi, fell in value. I am hearing it in the voices and messages of the many businesspeople I have spoken to in recent weeks who repeatedly call their reaction a “political depression.”

They are not displaying their anxiety in public, unlike a young demonstrator I wrote about in my last column. All the businesspeople I interviewed for this article requested anonymity for fear of punishment by the authorities. But they are expressing dissent in their own way, pledging to withhold further investment in China or even contemplating leaving their country for another that would exchange a passport for their wealth.

The party, under Mr. Xi, has taken control of nearly every aspect of society, costing Chinese people agency over their destinies. Members of the business class, especially those working at the top of the technology sector who operated with relatively few restrictions until a few years ago, have taken it especially hard.

These tech entrepreneurs mostly grew up “in the age of ‘economism,’ when money making, economic principles and economic rationality trumped everything else,” said Minxin Pei, professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in California. “Now they see the regime puts politics in command,” he said. “For them, this is incomprehensible.”

In the past decade, Mr. Xi’s economic thinking can be summed up like this: bigger roles for the state and smaller roles for the market. He left the private sector largely alone in his first term, when he was busy consolidating his power within the party and the military. In his second term, which began in 2017, Mr. Xi kept private enterprises on a much tighter leash. The government cracked down on businesses, sending some of the country’s most successful businesspeople into early retirement or self-imposed exile. China’s harsh “zero-Covid” policy has left the economy in the worst shape in decades.

To Chinese in the business elite, who grew accustomed to the privilege and attention their success brought, the Big Boss, as many of them refer to Mr. Xi, doesn’t care about the economy or people like them. In his opening address at the party congress, Mr. Xi mentioned “security” 52 times, “Marxism” 15 times and “markets” three times.

A photo of seven men in dark suits and white shirts standing on a stage in front of a red backdrop.
China’s leader, Xi Jinping, center, solidified his dominant role at the Communist Party congress.Credit…Ng Han Guan/Associated Press

“There’s no question about the shift both in political rhetoric and in action and in also the appointment of the team,” said Professor Pei, who said he believed that Mr. Xi’s leadership lineup showed that he did not value expertise in managing a market-oriented economy. “He values people who can implement his policy regardless of the economic consequences.”

That makes the business community anxious. Under Mr. Xi, the ability of China’s bureaucracy to dictate to the public has increased while its ability to govern has decreased, Guoguang Wu, an adviser to former Premier Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s, told me on my Chinese-language podcast.

“When the ability to govern decreases, even in the absence of any particular policy from the top, the ineptitude, brutality, and ignorance of lower-level officials will brew disasters for the common people they rule over,” said Mr. Wu, who is a senior research scholar at the Stanford Center on China’s Economy and Institutions.

Many businesspeople have lost a lot of money under “zero-Covid,” which has shuttered cities and locked millions of people in their homes for weeks at a time as the government seeks to eliminate the coronavirus.

“Under the leadership of this dictator, our great country is falling into an abyss,” said a hardware tech executive in Shenzhen. “But you can’t do anything about it. It pains and depresses me.”

Despite many conversations over the years, we never talked about politics. I was surprised when he called after the party congress to talk about his “political depression.” He said he used to be very nationalistic, believing that the Chinese were among the smartest and hardest-working people in the world. Now, he and many of his friends spend most of their time hiking, golfing and drinking. “We’re too depressed to work,” he said.

Until a year ago, his start-up was doing so well that he was planning to take it public. Then he lost a big chunk of his revenues, and his new hires sat idly with nothing to do when cities were locked down under the “zero-Covid” rules. He said now he had no choice but to lay off more than 100 people, sell his business and move his family to North America.

“Since the dark night has descended,” he said, “I’ll deal with it the dark night way.”

The tech entrepreneur from Beijing who texted me after the party congress recounted a chilling experience. In May, when there were rumors that Beijing could be locked down, he felt he could not tell his employees to leave work early and stock up on groceries. He was worried that he could be reported for spreading rumors — something that had gotten people detained by the police. He told them only that they should feel free to leave early if they had things to take care of.

This successful businessman is now applying to emigrate to a European country and the United States.

Just like many ordinary Chinese people, the executives I spoke to said they were horrified by the video of Hu Jintao, Mr. Xi’s predecessor as China’s top leader, being abruptly led out of the closing ceremony of the party congress. They did not accept the official government explanation that Mr. Hu had to leave early because of health issues.

If Mr. Xi could remove his predecessor like that, several of them said, he could do anything to anyone.

A well-connected investor in Beijing said his friends who were entrepreneurs now realized they could no longer remain indifferent to politics. At social gatherings, they have started discussing which countries to seek passports from, and how to move their assets offshore. At social gatherings, hosts are asking friends to surrender their phones to be kept in a separate place for fear of surveillance.

After the party congress, most people in the investors’ circle expect that they will be forced to pay more in taxes or be expected to donate more money to universities and other state-backed charities. They are not planning to make any big investments.

“We’re all anxious,” he said. “We’re at a loss of what to do at this historical crossroad.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/07/business/xi-jinping-china-party-congress.html?

The enemy within. The West needed China to slow down, although it will probably heighten belligerence.

I don’t suppose China is doing anything different to any previous, upcoming or currently existing empire.
Take what they want be force, disregard the rights of minorities, exploit others, etc
Only difference really is the world can’t afford it anymore

Reply Quote

Date: 9/11/2022 17:12:25
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1954232
Subject: re: China Politics

As i said some months back, Deng Xiao Ping gave the Chinese people a choice: you can have money, or you can have freedom, but not both.

They went for money.

Reply Quote

Date: 9/11/2022 23:44:25
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1954333
Subject: re: China Politics

As Xi Jinping craves territory abroad, his real problems are at home
Yun Jiang
Contributor

November 9, 2022 — 3.30pm

Xi Jinping has declared the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China a “complete success”. But looking ahead, the party will have to deal with the most challenging period for the country in decades, as a pervasive sense of pessimism envelopes people inside the People’s Republic of China.

Many of the difficulties are self-inflicted. The most crucial challenge for the party is the drastic slowing of the economy. Since the reform and opening up in the late 1970s, the party’s social contract with the people has been based on economic growth and a sustained increase in the standard of living.

Despite Xi’s focus on the importance of ideology, economic growth is still paramount in most people’s eyes. How Chinese citizens judge the competence of the party is often on whether they believe their lives are getting better. Indeed, such a line has been used by party officials to deflect any external criticisms.

But this social contract is fracturing. Compared with the economic heydays of the 2000s and 2010s, people are no longer as certain their quality of living will improve or that the next generation will live a better life.

This pessimism is especially stark among young people. The urban youth unemployment rate has reached a record 20 per cent. While many are struggling to find work, some are also disillusioned with work itself. The “lying flat” movement, which shares a similar sentiment to “quiet quitting” in the United States or Australia, has become viral. The urge to work relentlessly to improve one’s situation in life is no longer as strong.

Some of China’s economic downturn can be attributed to its strict adherence to the zero-COVID policy, for which there is no end in sight. Cities in China are still being locked down because of a few COVID cases. These lockdowns disrupt businesses and people’s livelihoods, affecting both supply and demand.

As economic growth slows, Xi is trying to diversify the source of party legitimacy. From the party congress, two more sources of legitimacy have emerged: common prosperity and nationalism.

Common prosperity is Xi’s signature economic policy to reduce inequality and boost the quality of life for ordinary people. It is too early to judge whether inequality is indeed reducing under this policy banner, as the term was only introduced a year ago. So far, it has spooked some big technology companies into philanthropy.

Besides, some doubts remain that Xi will continue to push hard on reducing inequality in the face of drastic slowing growth. In the real estate sector, for example, the party has tried to curb the excesses of the property market. Yet, the real estate crisis this year has prompted the government to reverse that policy.

As for nationalism, the party has been trying to encourage it among the population since the 1990s. Xi is doubling down on this to reassert the party’s long-term goal of national rejuvenation. But the rising nationalism in China in the past three decades has been built upon the increasing prosperity of the country. In the past year, however, a sense of pessimism has replaced optimism, with people becoming less nationalistic as a result.

It’s not just due to the slowing growth. In China, the zero COVID policy has led to the resurging strong arm of the state. This is visible everywhere in the form of “Big White” – government officials who enforce quarantine and testing. Some of their more inhumane acts have been criticised in the country, from the mistreatment of pets to forcing people to stay in their buildings during an earthquake. And then there was the quarantine bus crash in which 27 people died on the way to a quarantine facility.

While China’s citizens were once proud of the party’s focus on protecting lives early in the pandemic, the over-the-top compliance measures have led to outcries and distrust towards the competence of local officials and doubts about the COVID policy.

The problem is especially acute as there is still no road map to ending the zero COVID policy, be it vaccines or otherwise. The party official responsible for the chaotic lockdowns in Shanghai was promoted to the second most powerful position in the party. And the signal from the party congress is that the policy will continue. Meanwhile, COVID testing now accounts for up to 1.3 per cent of China’s GDP and 7.2 per cent of public revenue, making the mandatory testing regime harder to dismantle. Local governments will also find it difficult to give up the power and control they gained from lockdowns.

Living under constant uncertainty of lockdowns and the sometimes arbitrary enforcement of quarantine, more and more middle-class and wealthy citizens are considering leaving China. Those currently overseas are rethinking their plans to return. This can severely hamper China’s efforts to attract enough people to achieve its ambition of becoming a technological superpower.

While Xi was triumphant in getting his third term, the party is facing a challenging period ahead. In the future, we may look back on 2022 as a turning point when optimism shifted to pessimism.

Much depends on whether Xi Jinping can successfully diversify the party’s sources of legitimacy as the economy slows. Xi is right that there could be “high winds, choppy waters, and even dangerous storms” ahead – especially if the party cannot renew the social contract with the people.

https://www.theage.com.au/national/as-xi-jinping-craves-territory-abroad-his-real-problems-are-at-home-20221107-p5bw8f.html

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2022 00:02:22
From: transition
ID: 1954341
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


As Xi Jinping craves territory abroad, his real problems are at home
Yun Jiang
Contributor

November 9, 2022 — 3.30pm

/..cut by me master transition../

https://www.theage.com.au/national/as-xi-jinping-craves-territory-abroad-his-real-problems-are-at-home-20221107-p5bw8f.html

read that

all’s well in the west

Reply Quote

Date: 10/11/2022 00:49:26
From: party_pants
ID: 1954349
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

As Xi Jinping craves territory abroad, his real problems are at home
Yun Jiang
Contributor

November 9, 2022 — 3.30pm

/..cut by me master transition../

https://www.theage.com.au/national/as-xi-jinping-craves-territory-abroad-his-real-problems-are-at-home-20221107-p5bw8f.html

read that

all’s well in the west

Not quite, but better than in China or Russia.

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2022 21:53:20
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1956464
Subject: re: China Politics

A Dangerous Game Over Taiwan
For decades, China has coveted its island neighbor. Is Xi Jinping ready to seize it?
By Dexter Filkins

November 14, 2022

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/11/21/a-dangerous-game-over-taiwan?

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2022 21:58:06
From: party_pants
ID: 1956465
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


A Dangerous Game Over Taiwan
For decades, China has coveted its island neighbor. Is Xi Jinping ready to seize it?
By Dexter Filkins

November 14, 2022

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/11/21/a-dangerous-game-over-taiwan?

China wants a taste of economic collapse from international sanctions, over and above the economic woes they already have from their housing market crash and fanatical Covid lockdowns?

Reply Quote

Date: 15/11/2022 22:11:25
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1956474
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

A Dangerous Game Over Taiwan
For decades, China has coveted its island neighbor. Is Xi Jinping ready to seize it?
By Dexter Filkins

November 14, 2022

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/11/21/a-dangerous-game-over-taiwan??

China wants a taste of economic collapse from international sanctions, over and above the economic woes they already have from their housing market crash and fanatical Covid lockdowns?

fair, the whole point of Let It Rip® was that it couldn’t get worse than how terrible 2020 and half of 2021 were, right

Reply Quote

Date: 17/11/2022 20:35:22
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1957298
Subject: re: China Politics

Covid Lockdown Chaos Sets Off a Rare Protest in a Chinese City
Weary migrants thronged a street in the manufacturing hub of Guangzhou to protest food shortages and lengthy stay-at-home orders under China’s strict “zero-Covid” policy.

By Chang Che and John Liu
Nov. 16, 2022

A lengthy lockdown and shortages of food prompted residents to take to the streets in China’s southern manufacturing hub of Guangzhou, a rare protest that reflected the growing public frustration with disruptions caused by the country’s Covid restrictions.

China maintains the world’s most stringent approach to Covid, a policy that relies heavily on mass lockdowns, quarantines and mandatory near-daily testing across the country. Whole regions and cities, including Shanghai, have been placed under strict lockdowns, derailing millions of people’s lives, forcing businesses to close and stirring public outrage.

The psychological toll of China’s “zero-Covid” policy is mounting. Earlier this month, a poorly managed outbreak in the world’s largest iPhone assembly complex in Zhengzhou led to a worker exodus and a delay in iPhone shipments around the world.

The restrictions have periodically prompted unrest, such as in Guangzhou on Monday evening, when throngs of residents marched down Qiaonanxin Street to protest the lack of food and daily necessities after being confined at home for three weeks, according to four owners of restaurants and shops on the street who were interviewed by phone.

A surge of Covid cases in Guangzhou in recent weeks prompted officials to enforce lockdowns in several districts that are home to roughly 6 million people, according to government announcements on social media. In the southern district of Haizhu, where Qiaonanxin Street is, the 1.8 million residents were ordered to stay at home and undergo daily testing. Travel was restricted. Schools moved online. The authorities put up barricades around neighborhoods where positive cases were recorded.

Some of the protesters tore down the fencing and the barricades that had been erected outside their housing compounds, according to two restaurant owners who would only give their surnames, Hu and Zhao. It was unclear if there were any casualties.

Many of the protesters were migrant workers from Hubei and its neighboring provinces working in Guangzhou’s textile industry, said Mr. Hu as well as another restaurant owner, whose surname is Dai.

Videos circulating on social media showed an overturned police vehicle, ransacked food provisions and altercations between residents and health officials. Officers at a police station in Haizhu, reached by phone, said that they did not know about the incident.

The police arrived a few hours later, said the four people, and the crowd soon dissipated.

As of Wednesday, over a dozen neighborhoods in the area near Qiaonanxin Street remained under lockdown, and officials have not provided a date for lifting the order.

Guangzhou officials said that 95 percent of Covid cases found in the city on Monday were in the Haizhu district, according to a news conference on Tuesday. Food and other daily necessities had been distributed free of charge, and the supplies of fruits and vegetables have been increased on top of the original provisions, said Fu Xiaochu, a Haizhu district official.

Huang Kunming, the Communist Party leader of Guangdong Province, of which Guangzhou is the capital, visited the city on Tuesday and urged health officials to “win the battle” of pandemic prevention.

The central government pledged last week to refine its Covid rules in an attempt to limit the disruption caused to people’s lives and to reduce the strain on public health care. Officials relaxed China’s quarantine period for inbound travelers to a minimum of five days from seven and said that contacts of contacts would no longer be tracked.

But as case counts nationwide reached 19,609 on Wednesday, the highest daily total in over six months, how far the government may go in easing restrictions remains unclear. Investors rejoiced at the easing of quarantine rules that have been a major drag on the economy, but for most Chinese, the daily reality of having one’s movements restricted has not changed.

Nor has China’s rhetoric. On Tuesday, days after some Covid rules were changed, the People’s Daily, China’s state newspaper, published an article with a familiar headline: To “unswervingly implement the ‘zero-Covid’ policy.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/16/world/asia/china-covid-protest.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 17/11/2022 20:53:55
From: transition
ID: 1957304
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Covid Lockdown Chaos Sets Off a Rare Protest in a Chinese City
Weary migrants thronged a street in the manufacturing hub of Guangzhou to protest food shortages and lengthy stay-at-home orders under China’s strict “zero-Covid” policy.

By Chang Che and John Liu
Nov. 16, 2022
/…cut by me master transition…/

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/16/world/asia/china-covid-protest.html?

good on them

Reply Quote

Date: 17/11/2022 20:55:08
From: transition
ID: 1957305
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Covid Lockdown Chaos Sets Off a Rare Protest in a Chinese City
Weary migrants thronged a street in the manufacturing hub of Guangzhou to protest food shortages and lengthy stay-at-home orders under China’s strict “zero-Covid” policy.

By Chang Che and John Liu
Nov. 16, 2022
/…cut by me master transition…/

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/16/world/asia/china-covid-protest.html?

good on them

dynamic zero I mean

Reply Quote

Date: 17/11/2022 21:01:28
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1957306
Subject: re: China Politics

transition said:


transition said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Covid Lockdown Chaos Sets Off a Rare Protest in a Chinese City
Weary migrants thronged a street in the manufacturing hub of Guangzhou to protest food shortages and lengthy stay-at-home orders under China’s strict “zero-Covid” policy.

By Chang Che and John Liu
Nov. 16, 2022
/…cut by me master transition…/

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/16/world/asia/china-covid-protest.html?

good on them

dynamic zero I mean

love how everyone gloats at the temptation of massive manufacturing supply disruption

Reply Quote

Date: 17/11/2022 21:10:33
From: transition
ID: 1957310
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


transition said:

transition said:

good on them

dynamic zero I mean

love how everyone gloats at the temptation of massive manufacturing supply disruption

yes reckon be multiplied many times more bad into a reality of worseness if the covid bomb visited, though’s much excitement about it visiting from outside, from those that knows best what is better for China, and who are the experts re that, I wonders, I wonders really hard

Reply Quote

Date: 18/11/2022 10:45:09
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1957441
Subject: re: China Politics

No Gritted Teeth Here

Reply Quote

Date: 26/11/2022 03:48:44
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1960245
Subject: re: China Politics

In a Challenge to Beijing, Unrest Over Covid Lockdowns Spreads
Protests are rising as China enacts more lockdowns and quarantines, with no end in sight. The defiance is a test of Xi Jinping’s authoritarian leadership.

By Amy Chang Chien, Chang Che, John Liu and Paul Mozur
Nov. 24, 2022

In an iPhone factory in central China, thousands of workers clashed with riot police and tore down barricades.

In the southern city of Guangzhou, protesters broke out of locked-down buildings to confront health workers and ransack food provisions.

And online, many Chinese raged at the authorities after the death of a 4-month-old girl, whose father said access to medical treatment was delayed because of Covid restrictions.

As China’s harsh Covid rules extend deep into their third year, there are growing signs of discontent across the country. For China’s leader, Xi Jinping, the unrest is a test of his precedent-breaking third term in power and underscores the urgent political question of how he can lead China out of the Covid era.

The rare displays of defiance over the past two weeks are the most visible signs of frustration and desperation with the lockdowns, quarantines and mass testing that have upended everyday life. The anger, combined with outbreaks of Covid across the country that have driven cases to an all-time high, augurs a dark winter ahead.

Earlier this month, officials said they would adjust Covid restrictions to limit the impact the disruptions have had on the economy and government resources. The latest surge in cases has called that pledge into question, with many officials falling back on familiar heavy-handed measures to try to stop the spread of the virus.

Whether Mr. Xi can find a middle ground will reflect on China’s status as the world’s factory floor and a major driver of global economic growth. Some multinational companies are already looking to expand production elsewhere.

“What we’re witnessing at Foxconn is the bankruptcy of ‘the China model,’” said Wu Qiang, a political analyst in Beijing, referring to the Taiwanese operator of the plant in central China that produces half of the world’s iPhones. “It’s the collapse of China’s image as a production powerhouse, as well as China’s relationship to globalization.”

Many will be watching to see if recent chaos at Foxconn’s plant spreads elsewhere. Even before the riot that broke out at the plant this week, Apple had warned that a poorly organized lockdown there would impact its sales. Analysts have predicted longer waiting times for holiday purchases of the iPhone 14 Pro and 14 Pro Max.

“If the government continues with its zero-Covid policy, Foxconn would only be the beginning. There is Foxconn today, but other factories will face similar situations,” said Li Qiang, founder and executive director of China Labor Watch, a New York-based Chinese labor rights group.

The Foxconn workers were lashing out about a delay in the payment of bonuses as well as the Taiwanese assembler’s failure to properly isolate new workers from those who had tested positive. The new hires had been recruited recently after thousands of workers fled the Foxconn plant last month because of a Covid outbreak.

From Tuesday evening until the dawn of Wednesday, thousands of workers clashed with riot police and health workers, according to four workers who spoke to The Times. Protesters destroyed barricades, stole food supplies and hurled pieces of fencing at the authorities.

“We protested the whole day, from day to night,” said Han Li, a new worker from Zhengzhou who had joined the protests. He said he had felt deceived, and that the bonus payments and living conditions at the factory were different from what he had been promised. Mr. Han said he saw workers get beaten and injured.

Videos that Foxconn workers shared with The Times showed workers, by the thousands, thrashing and hurling steel beams against police wearing riot gear and protective suits. One video, taken at dawn, showed the apparent aftermath: A motionless worker curled up on the roadside as a crew of security personnel stomped and kicked him. Another sat on the road with a bloodied sweater and towel wrapped over his head.

In a statement, Foxconn attributed the delayed bonuses to “a technical error” in its hiring system. Regarding the violence, it vowed to work with employees and the government to “prevent similar accidents from happening again.”

An Apple spokesman told The Times that Apple team members on the ground in Zhengzhou were “reviewing the situation” and were working with Foxconn “to ensure their employees’ concerns are addressed.”

On Wednesday evening, Foxconn promised $1,400 to workers who wished to resign, offering them free transportation home.

“It’s all tears,” Mr. Han said on Thursday. “Now I just want to get my compensation and go home.”

In some ways, China’s struggles are of Mr. Xi’s own making. China has clung to harsh “zero-Covid” policies aimed at eradicating Covid infections, even as its vaccination efforts have lagged. For three years, Beijing pumped out propaganda in support of tough controls, arguing they were the only way to protect lives. It also described the terrifying consequences of the uncontrolled spread of the virus in much of the rest of the world.

At the same time, many others have questioned the need for lockdowns at all. This week, as millions of Chinese tuned in to watch the World Cup in Qatar, they saw unmasked crowds rooting for their favorite teams. Chinese social media users posted messages expressing sarcasm and envy, as they contrasted their cloistered lives with the raucous celebrations on TV.

Mr. Xi, one of China’s most powerful leaders in decades, has used heavy censorship and severe punishments to silence his critics. That makes the public airing of grievances particularly striking, such as in Guangzhou last week, when throngs of migrant workers staged a forceful protest after being confined for over three weeks.

In the locked-down district of Haizhu, home to roughly 1.8 million people, the workers, many of whom toil for long hours and low pay in Guangzhou’s textile industry, rushed into the street to protest food shortages. They tore down fences and barricades, and videos circulating online showed another confrontation between residents and police.

Social media footage showed a large crowd confronting Covid workers wearing protective suits and tearing down fences installed as virus control measures in Guangzhou, China. It was unclear whether there were any casualties.CreditCredit…Video Obtained by Reuters
As cases continue to climb, the government’s pandemic prevention resources — which include food, hospital beds and quarantine facilities — have in some places been depleted, forcing workers to sleep on the streets or, in the case of Haizhu, in a tunnel, workers said.

People have also been angered by reports of deaths caused by delays in medical care resulting from Covid restrictions. Earlier this month, the death of a 3-year-old boy in the city of Lanzhou after coronavirus restrictions kept him from being taken promptly to a hospital drew an outpouring of grief and anger as well as fresh scrutiny of the costs of “zero Covid.”

A similar outcry erupted online last week following the death of a 4-month-old girl whose father took to Weibo, a Twitter-like Chinese social media outlet, to describe delays in the emergency response. Due to Covid protocols, dispatchers declined to send an ambulance, and when one arrived, responders refused to take his daughter to a hospital. In total, it took 12 hours for her to receive help.

“I hope the relevant departments will intervene, investigate a series of loopholes in epidemic prevention, inaction and irresponsibility, and seek justice for us ordinary people,” wrote Li Baoliang, the baby’s father. On Sunday, authorities released the results of an investigation into the incident. While the government expressed condolences to the family, it blamed the tragedy on individual medical staff who it said have a weak sense of responsibility.

Beneath Mr. Li’s online complaint, many pointed to the harms being done by policies designed to protect the public.

“What is taking people’s lives? Is it Covid?” asked one commenter.

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/24/world/asia/china-unrest-covid-lockdowns.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 27/11/2022 18:54:20
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1960787
Subject: re: China Politics

Protests erupt in Shanghai and other Chinese cities over COVID controls
By Chris Buckley
November 27, 2022 — 11.00am

Protests spread to cities and campuses in China on Saturday night amid rising public anger at the country’s strict but faltering controls against the spread of COVID-19, with a crowd in Shanghai going so far as to call for the removal of the national leader, Xi Jinping.

The demonstration occurred after an outpouring of anger online and after a street protest erupted on Friday in Urumqi, the regional capital of Xinjiang in western China, where at least 10 people died and nine others were injured a day earlier in an apartment fire. Many Chinese people say they suspect that those killed were hindered from escaping their homes by COVID restrictions – despite government denials.

The tragedy has fanned broader calls for officials to ease China’s harsh regimen of COVID tests, urban lockdowns and restrictions on movement three years into the pandemic.

The biggest protest on Saturday appeared to have occurred in Shanghai, where college and university students were among hundreds of people who gathered at an intersection of Urumqi Road – named after the city in Xinjiang – to mourn the dead with candles and signs. The numbers grew, defying police efforts to hold back the throng, and chants broke out, with people calling for an easing of the COVID controls, video footage showed.

“We want freedom,” the protesters chanted.

They used obscene language to denounce the demand that residents check in with a COVID phone app in public places such as shops and parks. While lines of police officers watched, some in the crowd directed their anger at Xi, a rare act of political defiance that was likely to alarm Communist Party officials, prompting tighter censorship and policing.

“Xi Jinping!” a man in the crowd repeatedly shouted.

“Step down!” some chanted in response.

Xi won a groundbreaking third term as the Communist Party’s general secretary last month, entrenching his status as China’s most powerful leader in decades. He also packed a new national leadership lineup with loyalist officials, and his hold on power seems assured.

But the night of public anger indicated that Xi’s stringent COVID policies, heralded as a success for China after the pandemic spread globally from there in early 2020, have increasingly become a liability. The COVID controls have hurt restaurants, tour operators and other small businesses, adding to China’s recent economic slowdown.

The outbreak of discontent also appears likely to add pressure to the Chinese government’s efforts to maintain a “dynamic zero COVID” policy. This month, the government announced measures to ease the restrictions that have made travel and business difficult for many residents. But local authorities are still under pressure to keep infections to near zero, leading to confusion and flip-flops in rules.

The deadly fire in Urumqi appeared to crystallise public anger over those pressures.

“Before I felt I was a coward, but now at this moment I feel I can stand up,” a young man who said he was from Xinjiang told a gathering at a campus of the Communication University of China in Nanjing, in eastern China, according to a video published online and whose location was verified by The New York Times. Hundreds held up their phones like lit candles.

“I speak for my home region, speak for those friends who lost relatives and kin in the fire disaster and,” he added, “for the deceased.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/protests-erupt-in-shanghai-and-other-chinese-cities-over-covid-controls-20221127-p5c1le.html

Reply Quote

Date: 27/11/2022 19:02:32
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1960788
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:

“Before I felt I was a coward, but now at this moment I feel I can stand up,” a young man who said he was from Xinjiang told a gathering at a campus of the Communication University of China in Nanjing, in eastern China, according to a video published online and whose location was verified by The New York Times. Hundreds held up their phones like lit candles.

“I speak for my home region, speak for those friends who lost relatives and kin in the fire disaster and,” he added, “for the deceased.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/protests-erupt-in-shanghai-and-other-chinese-cities-over-covid-controls-20221127-p5c1le.html

Hey, are those tank engines i hear in the distance…?

Reply Quote

Date: 27/11/2022 19:08:34
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1960789
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

“Before I felt I was a coward, but now at this moment I feel I can stand up,” a young man who said he was from Xinjiang told a gathering at a campus of the Communication University of China in Nanjing, in eastern China, according to a video published online and whose location was verified by The New York Times. Hundreds held up their phones like lit candles.

“I speak for my home region, speak for those friends who lost relatives and kin in the fire disaster and,” he added, “for the deceased.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/protests-erupt-in-shanghai-and-other-chinese-cities-over-covid-controls-20221127-p5c1le.html

Hey, are those tank engines i hear in the distance…?

Has a listen.

No, those are tractor engines towing tanks.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/11/2022 19:10:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1960790
Subject: re: China Politics

so the biological warfare worked

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 10:54:22
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1960983
Subject: re: China Politics

Unrest breaks out across China, as frustration at lockdowns grows
No one knows how or when Xi Jinping’s zero-covid policy will end

Nov 27th 2022 | BEIJING

From urumqi in the northwest to Shanghai in the east, demonstrations and protests have rocked China in recent days. They have varied in size, tenor and composition, but all have been united by one theme: demands for an end to the harsh lockdowns and arbitrary controls of the country’s “zero-covid” campaign. Taken together, they represent a broad-based and diverse bellow of frustration of a sort very rarely heard in China. Though not all protests are explicitly political, they are an unmistakable rebuke for President Xi Jinping, hailed by state media as “commander in chief of the people’s war against covid”.

Many people are increasingly fed up with that war. The latest trigger came on November 24th, when a fire at an apartment block in Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang region, killed at least ten people and injured nine others. Local residents claimed that doorways and fire exits in the building were sealed to control covid. Officials in Urumqi denied this. “Some residents’ ability to rescue themselves was too weak…and they failed to escape,” explained the head of the fire brigade, causing yet more anger. Xinjiang, home to China’s Uyghur minority, has been under tight covid restrictions for months.

The plight of the Uyghurs often does not resonate in the rest of China. Over the past decade the government has detained hundreds of thousands of them for arbitrary reasons and kept Xinjiang under intense surveillance. The fire, though, prompted angry residents to stage protests at astonishing personal risk. And, in a rare display of inter-ethnic solidarity, those protests spread. Predominantly young people in Shanghai gathered over the weekend to hold vigils for the fire victims on Urumqi Road, a street better known for hipster cafes and clothes shops. Some even called for the overthrow of Mr Xi and the Communist Party. A protest in Beijing on November 27th lasted well into the night, with chants of solidarity for those arrested in Shanghai and for the dead in Xinjiang. Dozens of university campuses across the country have also seen demonstrations against the zero-covid policy.

These are merely the latest signs that Chinese citizens think the policy has lasted too long. In recent weeks there have been instances of indignant residents variously kicking down steel barriers meant to seal them in housing estates or—at the most genteel end of the protests—calling the police to question the legal authority of locally-enforced covid restrictions. Crowds of workers at the largest iPhone factory in the world, outside the city of Zhengzhou, clashed with riot police on November 23rd. They were reportedly angry about broken promises by Foxconn, which runs the factory, over bonuses and after newly hired workers were put in the same dormitories as the existing workforce, despite many suspected covid cases on the vast Foxconn campus. Earlier this month, some Foxconn workers climbed fences to flee an outbreak on the campus. (Foxconn says that all contractual promises have been met and that infected workers were not still living in factory dorms.)

Even as frustration with the zero-covid policy grows, no exit plan appears in the offing. China has squandered the whole of 2022, refusing to undertake the preparations that would be needed for a safe, planned opening up to the world. There are no signs of a new booster campaign to protect China’s under-vaccinated population, which includes the oldest Chinese. Foreign diplomats recently visited China’s most modern production site for making covid vaccines and found it all but idle, suggesting that no large orders have even been placed. Meanwhile, the most effective mrna shots, produced in Western countries, have never been approved for use in China. A rapid opening at the start of winter would bring about the waves of deaths that the party has boasted of avoiding until now.

The authorities have, at least, started tweaking their controls to make them more precise—and more durable. But the 20-point plan released by the government two weeks ago, which aims to eliminate inefficient tactics, has arguably contributed to the current mood. Earlier this year party leaders expressly condemned dissent over the zero-covid policy. By suggesting that unreasonable controls can be lifted, though, the party has made debate about the whole policy legitimate. It has also triggered confusion, with controls being eased and then hastily re-imposed in such large cities as Shijiazhuang, near Beijing.

What next?

For Mr Xi, the immediate challenge is curbing the unrest. Over 73 years of iron-fisted rule, the party has learned to pick its battles and bring different weapons to each fight. Its tactics lean towards violent repression in regions such as Xinjiang, where there is fear of ethnic conflict. Student protest leaders risk long jail terms (university leaders were recently filmed warning students that their parents may be called if they do not return to their dorms). But in the face of worker protests, a mixture of pay-offs and coercion are typically used to restore calm (though ringleaders can expect to be taken away and punished). As for disgruntled middle-class urbanites, the party often stands ready to bargain with them, offering concessions as long as its overall authority is not questioned.

Some of these tactics were on display in Tiantongyuan, a housing estate of shabby tower blocks in Beijing that is home to hundreds of thousands of residents, many of them migrant workers from outside the capital. On November 26th smartphone images showed residents kicking down the blue steel fencing erected to seal off part of the estate. But on the following day your correspondent easily walked into the same compound after a scan of his Beijing health-code app. Explaining the unrest, a middle-aged man said that many of his neighbours are blue-collar workers who go unpaid if they are locked in. The authorities understood this, he suggested, adding that all residents had received a conciliatory delivery of free vegetables the previous evening.

The mood in Tiantongyuan was calm and residents’ opinions divided about China’s covid policies. “I hope they stick with zero-covid, or it will be chaos,” said an older woman. But the man ventured that China had lost its fear of the virus. “At first we thought it was like sars, that if you get it you die,” he said. “But now people ask: how come they aren’t controlling it in the outside world? Maybe it’s not so bad.” He cited a friend in America who has had covid “three times, and it’s like getting a cold.” Chinese netizens have pointed to the football World Cup, where mask-less fans throng stadiums in Qatar. State censors have responded by sharply reducing the number of crowd shots shown during state television’s coverage of the tournament.

Extra hired muscle could be seen in Tiantongyuan, including two bruisers from Jilin province dressed in the overalls of pandemic workers, over which they wore green quilted overcoats. They had been brought in as support after the previous day’s troubles, said one of them, who asked to take a photograph of your correspondent’s press card and see proof of a recent covid test. Another guard, employed full-time by the housing estate and found guarding a sealed-off staircase, was both friendly and philosophical about a possible end to the zero-covid policy. Lots of people are tired and ready for a change, he said. “But if we opened up, many people would not dare go out, like in Shijiazhuang.” Asked for his personal opinion of the policy, he looked astonished. “We used to lock down a whole district for a few cases, now we only lock down single buildings,” he said. “So the disease isn’t as dangerous as it used to be. But opening, that is for the government to decide.”

https://www.economist.com/china/2022/11/27/unrest-breaks-out-across-china-as-frustration-at-lockdowns-grows?

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 10:56:11
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1960985
Subject: re: China Politics

opium

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 15:42:42
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1961111
Subject: re: China Politics

Man Allegedly Seeks International Work, Has Human Rights Violated

Mr Miralis said his client had been denied medical treatment and was unable to access pens to write a complaint to the Attorney-General’s department about his treatment on remand.

The lawyer has filed a complaint about the conduct of Australian intelligence officers and said extradition should be put on hold until that had been resolved by Australia’s intelligence watchdog.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 16:09:43
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 1961112
Subject: re: China Politics

Some BBC journalist type British colonial troublemaker was found inciting crowds in a Chinese city.
The authorities don’t muck around with these type of foreign interfering chaps.
https://www.reuters.com/world/china/bbc-says-chinese-police-assaulted-journalist-covering-protest-2022-11-27/

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 16:36:36
From: Tau.Neutrino
ID: 1961113
Subject: re: China Politics

Peak Warming Man said:


Some BBC journalist type British colonial troublemaker was found inciting crowds in a Chinese city.
The authorities don’t muck around with these type of foreign interfering chaps.
https://www.reuters.com/world/china/bbc-says-chinese-police-assaulted-journalist-covering-protest-2022-11-27/

Foolish move. Could even be suicidal.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/11/2022 18:41:04
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1961146
Subject: re: China Politics

Tau.Neutrino said:


Peak Warming Man said:

Some BBC journalist type British colonial troublemaker was found inciting crowds in a Chinese city.
The authorities don’t muck around with these type of foreign interfering chaps.
https://www.reuters.com/world/china/bbc-says-chinese-police-assaulted-journalist-covering-protest-2022-11-27/

Foolish move. Could even be suicidal.

It’s only Foreign Interference if it’s not British and it’s not Opium¡

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Date: 2/12/2022 19:47:07
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1962566
Subject: re: China Politics

The protests in China may change the way Xi Jinping runs the country, says Minxin Pei
The Chinese-American academic believes they will influence government policy for years

Nov 30th 2022

The sudden eruption of anti-lockdown protests across China in the past week caught its leaders—and the world—by surprise. The first demonstrations took place in Xinjiang and Shanghai and the Chinese Communist Party (ccp), which has crushed countless mass protests in the past with ruthless efficiency, scrambled to respond.

Chinese authorities have now adopted a mixed approach to curb the demonstrations. It combines an increased police presence and intimidation of protesters with promises of more refined implementation of the government’s “zero-covid” policy—which remains unchanged. Whatever the immediate outcomes of the protests, which now appear to be over, they will probably influence policy for the remainder of President Xi Jinping’s time in power.

The protests were the most politically charged public expression of discontent since the crackdown on the Tiananmen pro-democracy movement in June 1989. People from different social backgrounds—university students, migrant labourers and wealthy city-dwellers—joined forces in denouncing the inadequacies of their government’s harsh zero-covid policy. As the ccp’s greatest fear is criticism from a coalition of diverse groups, the anti-lockdown protests augur badly for the government.

Another factor that must trouble Mr Xi is that protests took place simultaneously in politically important cities. Besides Beijing, the capital, demonstrations broke out in provincial capitals, including Shanghai, Guangzhou, Wuhan, Nanjing, Lanzhou, Urumqi and Chengdu. The demonstrations in 1989 also had a wide geographic reach, though the numbers of protesters and cities involved that year were far greater.

For a regime obsessed with preserving its tough image, the political defiance of the recent protests will seem shocking. The gatherings were initially triggered by allegations that a local lockdown was responsible for the deaths of ten residents in a burning building in Urumqi, Xinjiang’s capital, on November 24th. But some protesters quickly directed their anger at Mr Xi and the ccp, calling for them to “step down”. Not a single public gathering in the post-Tiananmen era has targeted China’s leader and its ruling party. That raises the stakes. If Mr Xi does not respond to such an open challenge to his personal authority forcibly, he risks damaging his carefully cultivated image as a strong leader.

The anti-lockdown protests have also revealed the limits of the party’s surveillance. The state failed to detect early signs of trouble even though the party has invested a fortune in systems capable of monitoring ordinary people’s movements and communications. Under ordinary circumstances, surveillance is quite effective because it targets a relatively small number of individuals known to the authorities as potential troublemakers. But targeted surveillance is ill-suited to the prevention of mass demonstrations precipitated by ordinary people who are not on the authorities’ watchlist. And once citizens had taken to the streets, facial recognition cameras, ai-assisted surveillance of social media and other fancy tools performed miserably in deterring protesters. They simply donned masks and wore other protective gear to disguise themselves.

To be sure, fear of government reprisals probably kept more disgruntled people from joining the protests. But the fact that such politically charged protests can happen at all under pervasive state surveillance may well have diminished fear of the party and its security apparatus. That means the ccp cannot depend on technology to forestall challenges to its authority.

Mr Xi also faces the task of reburnishing his image in the wake of the protests. Their eruption comes shortly after he gained an unprecedented third term as leader and packed the party’s top ranks with loyalists at its 20th national congress in October. The demonstrations can easily be seen as a popular rebuke. In a society where authority and personality are often intertwined, any public expression of ire against Mr Xi erodes his aura as a great leader.

Regaining public support in the wake of the protests may require Mr Xi to pivot away from policies he has been pursuing since assuming power in November 2012. In the past decade the party has replaced Deng Xiaoping’s focus on economic development with Mr Xi’s strategy. It pushes orthodox ideology, social control, assertive foreign policy and economic statism. The return of “politics in command” may have worked wonders for Mr Xi when he wanted to amass power and reassert control over a party softened by decades of economic prosperity and ideological laxity. But the costs of this shift are mounting for ordinary people. Growth has slowed down dramatically in the past decade, from 9.6% in 2011 to 3.2% this year according to a forecast from the International Monetary Fund. And a slow-motion implosion of the property sector has wiped out a huge chunk of the middle class’s wealth on paper. Homes were once considered their greatest assets.

Mr Xi’s zero-covid policy may be the last straw for many. Even though this policy scored early success, the Chinese government stuck with it for too long. Officials came to believe that eradicating covid-19 was a project to demonstrate the superiority of the Chinese political system. That also explains why vaccination drives were not made a priority. Until recently just 40% of people aged over 80 in China had had a third booster shot. Officials now say the share is 66%.

Mr Xi now faces two difficult quandaries. The first is how to act on protesters’ demands without unleashing a wave of covid-19 that overwhelms China’s health systems. The second is how he should govern in the coming decade if his uncompromising style and ideological agenda are no longer palatable to the country’s people. He may even see the latter as the more daunting challenge.■
_______________

Minxin Pei is a professor of government at Claremont McKenna College in America

https://www.economist.com/by-invitation/2022/11/30/the-protests-in-china-may-change-the-way-xi-jinping-runs-the-country-says-minxin-pei?

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Date: 2/12/2022 22:46:05
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1962657
Subject: re: China Politics

‘Protests in China work’: Officials back down on restrictions after unrest
By Eryk Bagshaw

Singapore: Three COVID case highs were set in the Chinese megacities of Chongqing, Zhengzhou, and Guangzhou this week. By Thursday, all three cities had announced they were easing restrictions.

China, the last bastion of zero-COVID, is unwinding its signature policy after protests rocked its cities for days, police barricaded its residents, and some protesters called for regime change.

“This day in history,” read a message on WeChat on Thursday. It was three years to the day since Wuhan reported “the first case of pneumonia of unknown cause”. The message on December 1, 2019, carried a warning that Chinese authorities did not heed until it was too late, about a virus that would take 6.6 million lives worldwide and shut off China from the rest of the world.

“We don’t want lockdowns, we want freedom,” protesters chanted as far south as Hainan and as far north as Changchun this week.

Alpha, Beta, Delta, and Omicron: each variant has been a new challenge for authorities and each has been greeted with “resolute measures” needed to stamp out the threat to China’s 1.4 billion people. For three years, doors in tree-lined neighbourhoods in Shanghai and high-rise apartments in Beijing have been under constant threat of being sealed shut by the “Big White”, the country’s hazmat-suited COVID authorities.

This week frustration boiled over across the country, pushing many to undertake what had once been unimaginable: coordinated protests against the government. Communicating via the encrypted messaging app Telegram, some activists called for the end of Communist Party rule, but most just wanted the right to go back to work and see their families.

“It is our duty,” said two protesters in Shanghai.
“We have been worried for the last three years,” said a principal of one Western school in Beijing, who asked not to be identified because the pandemic measures are politically sensitive. “The more this kind of situation continues, it gets harder for us”.

The authorities had been slow to respond and deliberately avoided legitimising the protesters’ concerns until Wednesday afternoon when China’s National Health Commission acknowledged the “practical difficulties of the people”. Suddenly, the nation’s peak health body said for the first time that Omicron was not as severe as other strains, eliminating a key health justification for the government’s suppression measures.

Vice-Premier Sun Chunlan, the government’s chief COVID warrior, said it was time to shift strategies. Sun, who oversaw the world’s first lockdown in Wuhan in January 2020, did not once mention the zero-COVID doctrine that has defined her position since the first days of the pandemic.

“As the Omicron variant becomes less pathogenic, more people get vaccinated and our experience in COVID prevention accumulates, our fight against the pandemic is at a new stage, and it comes with new tasks,” she said on Wednesday evening, referring to the ability of the virus to cause serious illness.

By Thursday, Chinese government-controlled media was running hot with research from a laboratory of virology at Wuhan University that showed “Omicron’s pathogenicity has dramatically decreased compared with the original strain of coronavirus and other variants”. The US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention published the same findings in January. The Imperial College London followed in March.

But after 10 months of plummeting confidence, growing financial strain, and the threat of political instability, the Chinese government said it was ready to consider another strategy. The country had just hit 40,000 new cases in a day.

“Time, and again it proves that protests in China work,” wrote Yaqiu Wang, a senior China researcher for Human Rights Watch who has been forced to leave the country.

“If you are willing to take the risk and stand up, you get what you want, at least some of it. The CCP is the biggest paper tiger, whose power rests in your fear. When you no longer fear, poof, it melts.”

In Chongqing, which recorded a 12-month high of 648 cases on Tuesday, officials said they would allow close contacts of infected people to quarantine at home. Guangzhou, which had notched up 1529 cases the previous day, said it would put an end to mass PCR testing and end lockdowns for half of its districts. Zhengzhou, the home of one of the world’s largest iPhone factories and the scene of some of the biggest protests against lockdown, followed suit.

“Most Chinese people are no longer afraid of being infected,” said one of Beijing’s top propagandists, Hu Xijin. “China may walk out of the shadow of COVID-19 sooner than expected.”

The markets responded, jumping by almost 2 per cent on the mainland and 4 per cent in Hong Kong. Despite the domestic turmoil, the value of stocks has grown by more than $3 trillion in November alone, indicating investors are more optimistic about China’s acceleration out of the pandemic than many of those on the ground.

“The Chinese economy is not performing well now and as we can see, lots of shops are closed,” said a 70-year-old Wuhan retiree who asked not to be identified on Thursday.

“If this situation continues, young people will have no job and no income. If the country’s economy doesn’t grow, the government will have no revenue.”

The message from the top has not made its way down to all local officials. In Shanghai, on Thursday there were warnings to residents to prepare for the possibility of another lockdown. Video emerged of a local committee blocking the exit of one building with barbed wire. Jinzhou city in Liaoning province said it would keep pursuing a zero-COVID strategy and blamed other provinces for failing to execute the policy.

Mitul Kotecha, head of emerging markets at TD Securities, said the path ahead was riddled with difficulties.

“Any opening is still likely to be very slow and gradual to avoid pressuring the health system and unfortunately this will come at the expense of economic recovery in the months ahead,” he said.

“Despite protests, we don’t think the government is about to open the door to a quick easing of COVID restrictions given the lack of boosters to the elderly population, relatively low efficacy of China’s vaccines, and limited intensive care capacity.”

Just 60 per cent of the Chinese population aged over 80 has been vaccinated, leaving millions vulnerable to the disease. Health authorities have been reluctant to impose mandates on a population weary of inoculation after past scandals. On Thursday, Chinese finance news outlet Caixin reported that national authorities would push local administrators to drive that figure past 90 per cent.

“ speed up vaccination, especially the vaccination of the elderly,” said Xia Gang, a National Health Commission official. “I hope that elderly friends will actively complete the vaccination as soon as possible to protect the health of themselves and their families.”

Xia spoke just hours before one of the country’s elder statesmen, former president Jiang Zemin, died. Three of China’s most significant periods of civil unrest have coincided with the death of one of its leaders: premier Zhou Enlai in 1976; Hu Yaobang in April 1989, when the Tiananmen Square protests began; and now Jiang, as citizens lash out against COVID-19 restrictions and in some quarters, against the leadership of the Communist Party and President Xi Jinping himself.

After his death, Jiang’s cosmopolitan but controversial period in power was contrasted with Xi’s authoritarian rule. Chinese social media service Weibo was filled with tributes to Jiang on Thursday. “RIP, to you, and the era,” said one user, reflecting on China’s ascension to the World Trade Organisation and a decade of relatively liberal economic growth.

In the historic town of Wuzhen, Zhejiang province, a young woman walked down the street. She covered her arms in chains and put black tape across her mouth while holding a blank white paper, a symbol of the growing “A4 revolution” that has condemned Xi’s censorship regime across China.

Official government websites and newspapers turned black and white in mourning for the 96-year-old, but across WeChat, pictures proliferated of Xi as “the only person in colour” – a phrase that when read aloud in Chinese sounds similar to “dictator”.

The most vocal members of this week’s protests have already been rounded up by state security, but many thousands more are still seething over a system they believe has failed to give them economic prosperity and stripped them of their human rights.

Wang Dan, one of the leaders of the Tiananmen Square protests, now based in the United States, gave them some advice this week.

This image of a woman who took three alpacas into the street in Shanghai has become a meme widely shared among disaffected young Chinese people as a form of protest against their leadership. The Mandarin word for three lamas is similar to a common obsenity.

“It’s a long-term struggle,” he said. “There should be a rhythm. Retreat when you ought to, so you can advance again.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/protests-in-china-work-officials-back-down-on-restrictions-after-unrest-20221201-p5c2up.html

Reply Quote

Date: 18/12/2022 00:01:41
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1968550
Subject: re: China Politics

LOL

Japan’s government has renamed what is known as pre-emptive strike to “counterstrike capability,” apparently to emphasise that it is for self-defence.

Reply Quote

Date: 18/12/2022 00:02:47
From: dv
ID: 1968552
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

LOL

Japan’s government has renamed what is known as pre-emptive strike to “counterstrike capability,” apparently to emphasise that it is for self-defence.

Time’s arrow is an abstraction

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Date: 18/12/2022 08:28:31
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1968628
Subject: re: China Politics

Fuck CHINA, they should be banning videos of children having fun and censoring them harder¡

Much of this is happening on TikTok, a Chinese-owned video-sharing platform that has grown in popularity largely off the back of its Gen Z user base.

According to its community guidelines, the company removes “content that depicts or promotes activities that may jeopardise youth well-being” as well as “content depicting, promoting, normalising or glorifying dangerous acts that may lead to serious injury or death”, listing “dangerous driving behaviour” as a specific example.

aWhile Boon says the social media giants are often quick to respond to requests from the commission or police, usually taking down videos within days, Barnett says they could be more proactive.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-12-18/a-dangerous-game-youth-crime-crisis-alice-springs/101735492

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Date: 19/12/2022 21:20:38
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1969269
Subject: re: China Politics

The politics of Xi Jinping’s covid retreat
China’s Communist Party prepares to spin its way out of a rout

Dec 15th 2022

Born as an underground movement, the Communist Party of China prefers to advance by stealth, revealing its ambitions only once it feels confident of success. True to its guerrilla roots, it is still more secretive in retreat. Whenever failures loom, a familiar response may be expected. Party leaders fall silent, propaganda takes a flag-waving turn, statistics become even less reliable than usual and security is tightened. These evasive manoeuvres can be seen now, as China abandons its “all-out people’s war” on covid.

As Chaguan writes this, it has been over a month since China heard fresh virus-fighting orders from its supreme leader, President Xi Jinping. In his last reported words on the subject, on November 10th, Mr Xi told the Politburo to stick “resolutely” with his costly containment strategy of “dynamic zero-covid”. Mr Xi’s absence from the front lines is all the more striking because in 2020, after China’s success in smothering an initial outbreak in the city of Wuhan, the party declared him “commander-in-chief” of this people’s war. Proud of the efforts of hundreds of millions of Chinese who stayed indoors to break chains of virus transmission (and gleeful at proving doubting foreigners wrong), official media declared that defeating a fierce, invisible enemy like covid requires the strong leadership of the Communist Party. Pandemic chaos in such democracies as America was called proof of Western decadence and callousness. In September 2020, speaking by video link from within China’s closed borders, Mr Xi informed the United Nations General Assembly that “covid-19 is a major test of the governance capacity of countries.”

Several times this year, prominent scientists who called for debate on exit strategies from zero-covid were accused of wanting to “lie flat”, using a slang term for defeatism. Now China is abruptly learning to live with the virus. Various lines of propaganda messaging are being tested to explain this about-face, emphasising the party’s wisdom and the Chinese people’s exceptional capacity for self-sacrifice and discipline. On December 12th the People’s Daily, a party mouthpiece, framed the arduous zero-covid campaign as a period of sagely waiting for the severity of the Omicron variant to decline, and for effective vaccines and medicines to emerge. Alas the latest sub-variants, though indeed milder than Delta, are still quite capable of wreaking havoc in China, where only a small minority are protected by recent doses of effective vaccines.

Party outlets have quoted citizens earnestly pledging to stay at home if they suffer mild symptoms so as not to “cause trouble for the country”, and telling reporters that after China’s government had taken care of them for the past three years, it was time they take primary responsibility for their own health and leave medical resources for those in need. After years of citing China’s low official death toll (which currently stands at around 5,200), the People’s Daily shifted to vaguer boasts about China having the lowest death toll of any major power. On December 14th, as waves of covid swept the country, authorities simply stopped reporting infections deemed “asymptomatic”, a hazy term sometimes used in China for any cases not confirmed with a chest scan.

Censors have moved to limit discussion of the change in policy. Indeed, pro-party nationalists have been silenced online for attacking critics of zero-covid, including fellow Chinese who staged protests in November in cities and on university campuses nationwide. Social-media platforms have banned the term tang fei, meaning “lying-flat mobs”, used by nationalists to criticise malcontents whom they blame for hastening zero-covid’s abandonment with their demonstrations. Despite this evidence of official sensitivity about anti-lockdown protests, it is misleading to draw a short, straight line between the most eye-catching demonstrations, such as one in Shanghai that saw young people chanting “Down with Xi Jinping”, and the ditching of zero-covid policies. Though shockingly sudden in its eventual execution, this is a retreat months in the making. Omicron variants are so fast-spreading that—as public-health scholars tell it—fresh waves of infections this autumn could only have been beaten back with nationwide lockdowns as harsh as those imposed on Shanghai’s 25m residents for more than two months this spring. The economic costs would have been brutal, and the country was exhausted. The police and security services know how to repress students chanting political slogans: many of those at protests in Beijing, Shanghai and elsewhere have been tracked down and detained or summoned by police for warnings. But discontent was broad, uniting such non-political types as migrant workers fleeing outbreaks in factories and homeowners rebelling against local lockdowns.

When scientific debate is disloyalty
The political stakes also changed after the 20th party congress in October, at which Mr Xi secured a third term and packed the Politburo Standing Committee with loyalists. An essay published in April in Study Times, a journal of the Central Party School, by Ma Xiaowei, the health minister, condemned “erroneous” thoughts of “co-existing with the virus”. Mr Ma cast zero-covid as a political imperative needed to avoid deaths, maintain social stability and thus ensure a successful party congress. Re-reading such words, it is reasonable to wonder if scientific debate about “zero-covid”, or even calls for a vaccine drive, had to be silenced before the congress, lest Mr Xi’s faith in containment be put in doubt.

To be clear, current events are a blow to Mr Xi. Even those stirring propaganda lines urging citizens to take personal responsibility for their health sit uneasily with his vision of pandemic-fighting as a chance to extend the party’s reach into every village and neighbourhood, and to mobilise the masses in a great collective endeavour. The party has recovered from routs before. Even now its chief ideologues will be discussing how to spin retreat as a victory, while censors and security services work to silence dissent. In the meantime, China’s people face a grim winter.

https://www.economist.com/china/2022/12/15/the-politics-of-xi-jinpings-covid-retreat?

Reply Quote

Date: 19/12/2022 21:27:49
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1969273
Subject: re: China Politics

Yous all thought Nepal had the double standard ¡

And yous were pretty much correct, Greater Northeast Nepal still is the subject of the double standard ¡

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Date: 23/12/2022 08:30:09
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1970673
Subject: re: China Politics

How Dare Large Economies Help Others With Medical Foreign Aid ¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-12-23/china-build-military-hospital-barracks-papua-new-guinea/101794868

Reply Quote

Date: 23/12/2022 09:22:19
From: captain_spalding
ID: 1970688
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

How Dare Large Economies Help Others With Medical Foreign Aid ¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-12-23/china-build-military-hospital-barracks-papua-new-guinea/101794868

There’s one difference.

With most foreign-aid programmes, the workers go home after the job is done.

With Chinese-government aid programmes, they always seem to have some reason to hang around for a long, long time. Always nice to have ‘presence’, isn’t it?

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Date: 23/12/2022 20:39:48
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1970987
Subject: re: China Politics

Without a Covid Narrative, China’s Censors Are Not Sure What to Do
The end of “zero Covid” has undermined years of official propaganda, and the vast censorship system is struggling to catch up.

By John Liu and Paul Mozur
Dec. 22, 2022

Since China dropped its strict “zero Covid” policy, a joke has been making the rounds on social media about the sudden shift.

Three men who don’t know one another sit in a prison cell. Each explains why he was arrested:
“I opposed Covid testing.”
“I supported Covid testing.”
“I conducted Covid testing.”

The joke has yet to be broadly censored. It is a sign of just how much the Chinese Communist Party, usually a master of messaging, is struggling to come up with a coherent explanation for the policy shift and a clear directive for what to do with an explosion of cases now threatening the country’s medical resources.

So dizzying was the switch that even two weeks later, the state’s powerful propaganda and censorship system has yet to catch up to the flood of confusion and criticism seeping through the country’s typically tight internet controls.

Apart from laying out the new Covid rules, Chinese official media still hasn’t offered much guidance from top leaders on the situation. The country’s hundreds of thousands of internet censors, experts say, haven’t gotten guidance on what to allow and what to delete — and may be confused, given that what was blocked a month ago is now official policy. Many Chinese have been asking why they put up with years of harsh lockdowns and travel restrictions, only for the leadership to abandon them and allow the virus to spread unabated.

For China’s leadership, maintaining public trust hinges, in part, on a difficult task: finding a narrative that makes sense of the reversal.

In the weeks since “zero Covid” ended, China’s all-encompassing propaganda and censorship machine has fallen into its old routine of deleting negative press and spreading “positive energy” posts that praise the struggles of individuals and the government. But experts said the three-year trauma caused by the stringent pandemic measures and the last-minute U-turn would prove hard for people to quickly move past.

“It will be impossible for everyone to forget completely. Many will remember ‘zero Covid’ deeply and clearly,” said Fang Kecheng, an assistant professor at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who studies China’s propaganda. However, that may not lead to widespread loss of confidence in the government, he added, noting that “people still have ways to convince themselves that things don’t seem so bad now.”

Thus far, propagandists have hewed to past norms in handling the crisis. They have avoided excessive mentions of the policy shift, instead emphasizing social stability. State media has sympathetically called the situation “stressful” but otherwise portrayed it as a well-orchestrated decision to overcome a virus that is no longer as deadly as it once was.

Across the country, an acute shortage of medicine, videos of people crowding hospitals, and long lines outside crematories and funeral homes marked a stark contrast with the seven deaths reported by the government this week. On Tuesday, the health authorities explained that only deaths caused by coronavirus-induced pneumonia and respiratory failure would be attributed to Covid.

Anger soon erupted online, with many accusing the authorities of double standards based on their frequent and detailed reports of Covid death statistics from overseas, particularly Europe and the United States. Many used the hashtag #WhatIsTheCriteriaForDeathByCovid in complaints on Tuesday. By Wednesday, censors had begun to block such posts.

People wrote about their relatives’ deaths, urging others not to trust propaganda that Covid is now like a flu. A blood bank appealed to college students for urgent donations. Cancellations of travel reservations for the upcoming Chinese New Year holiday surged as people decided to stay home.

State media coverage of the country’s top leadership has steered clear of the outbreak. On Monday, a commentary on People’s Daily justified the new policy, saying it will bring about a “significant positive effect” on economic recovery. While the piece said “a lot of work is to be done,” it stopped short of acknowledging the chaos it created.

In some ways, the approach is similar to the one taken during the initial outbreak of the virus in Wuhan nearly three years ago. At the time, even as the crisis intensified, official Communist Party mouthpieces emphasized the government’s control of the situation and avoided content that could trigger alarm. China’s leader, Xi Jinping, disappeared from the public spotlight to insulate himself from potential criticism. Once the virus was contained, Mr. Xi appeared in the city triumphant.

This time, it may take longer for Chinese officials to regain the message over a medical crisis driven by a virus that has, in large countries like India and the United States, killed by the hundreds of thousands as waves of illness have overwhelmed medical facilities. Aside from general comments about coordinating Covid prevention measures, Mr. Xi has remained silent. He has said nothing directly about the recent surge in cases.

For now, experts said, both the censors and the propaganda officials appear to be scrambling to figure out what to do.

“I don’t think I’ve seen a planned or orchestrated propaganda plan coming out. It’s more because the general direction has changed, so the propaganda has to follow suit suddenly,” Mr. Fang said. One major test will come when the virus spreads to smaller, rural areas with insufficient medical resources, he said.

A small but vocal chorus online has called out the abrupt and disjointed policy changes. Asong Yu, a 30-year-old finance worker in northeastern China, has questioned in sardonic and indirect ways the sudden changes and the lack of explanation.

In one post, Mr. Yu shared a response by ChatGPT, the viral chatbot powered by artificial intelligence, to the prompt “Are there pigs that can do a 180?” He had particular vitriol for those he called “epidemic prevention enthusiasts,” nationalists who previously parroted the government’s position on “zero Covid,” only to be jilted by Beijing’s about-face. Online he called them “abandoned dogs being beaten by their owners.”

“The previous propaganda is completely opposite to the current one. I think, however stupid some people might be, they will have to wake up,” Mr. Yu said in an interview.

So far, Mr. Yu’s posts have avoided the censors’ knife. In part, that’s because there are no obvious ways to deal with such a major about-face. Censors must decide whether to delete some portion of official posts supporting “zero Covid” for years and how much to tolerate a new zeal for the lifting of lockdowns.

Some people online have already encouraged others to go out and get Covid to build up immunity. Some college students, for instance, have lamented their inability to catch it over the past month, worrying that they will get sick during graduate school entrance exams scheduled this week.

The sudden change in China’s policy has created chaos and confusion among the tech companies that hire their own censors, and the accounts supporting the party that toe the official line, said Eric Liu, a former censor for Weibo and now an analyst at China Digital Times, a news website tracking censorship in China.

“I have yet to see a very clear, hardhanded censorship order, so I think it has something to do with the chaos that they are contradicting themselves,” Mr. Liu said, pointing out that most likely Beijing has not figured out an official narrative. That, in turn, has prevented the Cyberspace Administration of China, the country’s internet regulator, from issuing uniform orders to censors.

“A regulated narrative will definitely happen, but we don’t know when it will happen,” he said.

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/22/business/china-covid-censorship-propaganda.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 23/12/2022 20:47:24
From: Bogsnorkler
ID: 1970995
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Without a Covid Narrative, China’s Censors Are Not Sure What to Do
The end of “zero Covid” has undermined years of official propaganda, and the vast censorship system is struggling to catch up.

By John Liu and Paul Mozur
Dec. 22, 2022

“A regulated narrative will definitely happen, but we don’t know when it will happen,” he said.

https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/22/business/china-covid-censorship-propaganda.html?

maybe this will result in a slight shift in public obedience to the party. We are the small axe.

Reply Quote

Date: 25/12/2022 22:57:15
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1971673
Subject: re: China Politics

Analysis: As COVID soars, China has 2 chains of command
Premier Li Keqiang and new No. 2 Li Qiang both have hands on the steering wheel

KATSUJI NAKAZAWA, Nikkei senior staff writer
DECEMBER 22, 2022 04:00 JST

Katsuji Nakazawa is a Tokyo-based senior staff and editorial writer at Nikkei. He spent seven years in China as a correspondent and later as China bureau chief. He was the 2014 recipient of the Vaughn-Ueda International Journalist prize.

After shifting away from a strict zero-COVID policy in November, China has seen a spike in COVID-19 cases. The spread has been faster than anticipated, almost bringing medical care and other crucial functions to a standstill.

Hospitals are overwhelmed. Elderly patients with fevers of nearly 40 C, or 104 F, have the choice of waiting six hours outside the hospitals or going home. Many choose the latter.

“One out of every two employees has now been infected and cannot come to work,” a representative at a Japanese-owned company with operations in Beijing and Shanghai said.

The Chinese government has not released detailed numbers of the infections. But judging from the information on the ground, the infection rate could be over 50% in the greater Beijing area. It is hard to find a family of three or four that is COVID-free. Some say that the rate exceeds 70% in the worst hit areas.

A man in his 50s living in the northeastern city of Shenyang said he and his family are now struggling with serious cases of COVID and all have had fevers of 39 C for several days. Yet, nearby pharmacies have run out of fever reducers, due to panic buying. They have also had no luck seeing doctors at overwhelmed medical institutions.

In the background, a line has formed as people wait to be admitted to a Beijing hospital on Dec. 13. The Chinese capital’s medical institutions have been overwhelmed by the recent coronavirus outbreak. © Kyodo
In the southern province of Guangdong, entire neighborhoods have fallen silent, with shops and restaurants unable to find the staff to run them, leaving no option but to close.

How did this happen? A Chinese source familiar with the situation gave an interesting analogy.

In warfare, when an army retreats, a rear-guard unit is left behind to hold off the chasing enemy. “China has now abandoned the zero-COVID policy without taking any such protective measures,” the source said. “All at once, everyone began to flee, with no orderly plan.”

The abandonment of the zero-COVID policy came after the “white-paper” protests across various cities. Yet, some say that COVID cases, especially asymptomatic ones, had already started to spread even before the protests.

There are several issues regarding the vaccines. The inactivated vaccine shots that the Chinese are being encouraged to receive were initially developed in response to the coronavirus that was found in Wuhan. The jabs are less effective against the currently prevailing omicron variant.

Then, there is the structural issue. The vaccination rate among elderly people, who are more likely to become severely ill, is especially low, because Chinese in their 60s and older grew up distrusting their government.

As zero-COVID restrictions were further eased at the beginning of this month, young people began crowding into shops and public venues. Cluster infections broke out at primary and middle schools, at elderly care centers, and elsewhere. The virus was then brought into homes.

Infectious disease expert Zhong Nanshan, long a supporter of the zero-COVID policy and who received from President Xi Jinping the Medal of the Republic, the highest state honor, for his contribution to fighting the pandemic, now says omicron “is no different from influenza” and “can be called the novel coronavirus cold.”

Zhong’s remarks have resulted in many people letting down their guard. His lack of consistency should have come as a surprise to many.

Another big issue is the chain of command over China’s COVID policy.

Confusing orders were delivered to local governments across the country, leaving bureaucrats panic-stricken, not knowing who to listen to and what to do. Some regions have not yet thoroughly eased restrictions as ordered by the central government.

One businessman this month traveled from a rural area to a big city by airplane after hearing about the easing.

But when he arrived at his destination airport, he was told he would not be allowed to enter the city, although he neither had COVID nor had been in contact with a patient. He was sent to quarantine at a deserted tourist spot up a mountain, hundreds of kilometers away.

Sources with knowledge of the inner workings of the Zhongnanhai, the Chinese leadership compound in central Beijing, have started to analyze the reason of the chaos, albeit in hushed voices.

One pointed to the negative effects of “two command centers” that exist within the Chinese leadership.

Another said that the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Economic Work Conference, which was held on Dec. 15-16 to brainstorm on how to manage the economy next year, “should have devoted most of its discussions to various anti-coronavirus measures.”

A quiet anger can be detected in their voices. It is anger toward the careless way the situation has been handled.

A typical example is the read out of the Central Economic Work Conference. It merely notes the need for “better coordinating epidemic prevention and control with economic and social development,” and urges efforts to optimize epidemic response, with a focus on the elderly and those with underlying diseases.

It is almost admitting that nothing was decided on COVID.

The absence of coherent policy hints at the fact that the zero-COVID policy was abandoned quickly at Xi’s orders. The words of the leader, who acquired ultimate power at the party’s 20th national congress in October, has changed everything. But it is also sowing confusion.

Every five to 10 years, after China’s major leadership shuffles, tumultuous incidents can crop up in political voids. It looks like that has happened again.

Premier Li Keqiang and Vice Premier Sun Chunlan, the latter responsible for the government’s COVID response, are no longer part of the Communist Party’s powerful Central Committee. Having been sidelined at the party’s recent national congress, they will retire from their current posts next spring.

In normal times, Premier Li would already be a lame duck. But with new No. 2 Li Qiang, a close aide to Xi, having no experience in the central government and not knowing how to work the administrative machinery, Li Keqiang continues to have his hands on the steering wheel.

Li Qiang in October became a Politburo Standing Committee member and will probably be chosen as Premier Li’s successor in the spring.

He once served as the top official of Shanghai, Jiangsu province, and as a top-level official in Zhejiang province. The bureaucratic machinery in those and other regions, however, differs greatly from that in Beijing. He is probably perplexed by the difference.

This structure is a tragedy for Chinese people suffering from the coronavirus.

Symbolically, at the Central Economic Work Conference, Premier Li Keqiang first gave a speech. Separately, Li Qiang gave a summary of the conference.

Li Keqiang and Li Qiang. The COVID crisis and Li Qiang’s inexperience have made it impossible for Premier Li Keqiang to slide into the role of a lame-duck politician.
Local bureaucrats who receive orders from the central government feel it difficult to act on them since there are two command centers in Beijing — one led by Premier Li and the other by Li Qiang.

As it is unclear whose orders they should obey, the best way to protect oneself is to do nothing — a typical survival strategy among Chinese bureaucrats.

Optimists hope that herd immunity may be achieved soon since the number of COVID cases in China is growing so fast.

There is a possibility that COVID-19 cases in Beijing, Hebei province and surrounding areas will peak and begin to decline within this year, well before the Chinese New Year holidays, which begin in late January.

But this is merely an expectation.

China has to be wary of what other countries have gone through. Coming out of one outbreak doesn’t mean the pandemic is over; it only means one wave has petered out. When China emerges from this crisis, it could only be a matter of time before the next wave builds.

What is most terrifying is the odds of the virus mutating if several hundreds of millions of people are infected, then a new variant taking off on its own destructive path.

It is tough to predict what impact such a crisis will have on the Chinese and global economies.

According to shocking new projections announced last week by the University of Washington’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, COVID-19 cases might grow explosively in China throughout next year, resulting in more than 1 million deaths.

The projections also show that a third of China’s 1.4 billion people will have been infected by spring.

Chinese health authorities on Monday announced only two additional deaths. No one in China believes the toll is that low as many people have witnessed the deaths of elderly family members or neighbors.

In fact, there is information that at a famous Beijing university, more than 10 people have died since the start of December, including an elderly former professor, other teachers, university officials and their family members.

This information has been shared secretly only among people concerned in Beijing.

It is true that the omicron variant kills relatively few of the people it infects. But the variant will deal a heavier-than-expected blow to China due to the country’s large elderly population.

It is being said crematories in Greater Beijing are operating at full capacity but that some bodies are having to wait to be burned. The situation is serious.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-As-COVID-soars-China-has-2-chains-of-command?

Reply Quote

Date: 26/12/2022 07:58:47
From: ms spock
ID: 1971728
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Analysis: As COVID soars, China has 2 chains of command
Premier Li Keqiang and new No. 2 Li Qiang both have hands on the steering wheel

KATSUJI NAKAZAWA, Nikkei senior staff writer
DECEMBER 22, 2022 04:00 JST

Katsuji Nakazawa is a Tokyo-based senior staff and editorial writer at Nikkei. He spent seven years in China as a correspondent and later as China bureau chief. He was the 2014 recipient of the Vaughn-Ueda International Journalist prize.

After shifting away from a strict zero-COVID policy in November, China has seen a spike in COVID-19 cases. The spread has been faster than anticipated, almost bringing medical care and other crucial functions to a standstill.

Hospitals are overwhelmed. Elderly patients with fevers of nearly 40 C, or 104 F, have the choice of waiting six hours outside the hospitals or going home. Many choose the latter.

“One out of every two employees has now been infected and cannot come to work,” a representative at a Japanese-owned company with operations in Beijing and Shanghai said.

The Chinese government has not released detailed numbers of the infections. But judging from the information on the ground, the infection rate could be over 50% in the greater Beijing area. It is hard to find a family of three or four that is COVID-free. Some say that the rate exceeds 70% in the worst hit areas.

A man in his 50s living in the northeastern city of Shenyang said he and his family are now struggling with serious cases of COVID and all have had fevers of 39 C for several days. Yet, nearby pharmacies have run out of fever reducers, due to panic buying. They have also had no luck seeing doctors at overwhelmed medical institutions.

In the background, a line has formed as people wait to be admitted to a Beijing hospital on Dec. 13. The Chinese capital’s medical institutions have been overwhelmed by the recent coronavirus outbreak. © Kyodo
In the southern province of Guangdong, entire neighborhoods have fallen silent, with shops and restaurants unable to find the staff to run them, leaving no option but to close.

How did this happen? A Chinese source familiar with the situation gave an interesting analogy.

In warfare, when an army retreats, a rear-guard unit is left behind to hold off the chasing enemy. “China has now abandoned the zero-COVID policy without taking any such protective measures,” the source said. “All at once, everyone began to flee, with no orderly plan.”

The abandonment of the zero-COVID policy came after the “white-paper” protests across various cities. Yet, some say that COVID cases, especially asymptomatic ones, had already started to spread even before the protests.

There are several issues regarding the vaccines. The inactivated vaccine shots that the Chinese are being encouraged to receive were initially developed in response to the coronavirus that was found in Wuhan. The jabs are less effective against the currently prevailing omicron variant.

Then, there is the structural issue. The vaccination rate among elderly people, who are more likely to become severely ill, is especially low, because Chinese in their 60s and older grew up distrusting their government.

As zero-COVID restrictions were further eased at the beginning of this month, young people began crowding into shops and public venues. Cluster infections broke out at primary and middle schools, at elderly care centers, and elsewhere. The virus was then brought into homes.

Infectious disease expert Zhong Nanshan, long a supporter of the zero-COVID policy and who received from President Xi Jinping the Medal of the Republic, the highest state honor, for his contribution to fighting the pandemic, now says omicron “is no different from influenza” and “can be called the novel coronavirus cold.”

Zhong’s remarks have resulted in many people letting down their guard. His lack of consistency should have come as a surprise to many.

Another big issue is the chain of command over China’s COVID policy.

Confusing orders were delivered to local governments across the country, leaving bureaucrats panic-stricken, not knowing who to listen to and what to do. Some regions have not yet thoroughly eased restrictions as ordered by the central government.

One businessman this month traveled from a rural area to a big city by airplane after hearing about the easing.

But when he arrived at his destination airport, he was told he would not be allowed to enter the city, although he neither had COVID nor had been in contact with a patient. He was sent to quarantine at a deserted tourist spot up a mountain, hundreds of kilometers away.

Sources with knowledge of the inner workings of the Zhongnanhai, the Chinese leadership compound in central Beijing, have started to analyze the reason of the chaos, albeit in hushed voices.

One pointed to the negative effects of “two command centers” that exist within the Chinese leadership.

Another said that the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Economic Work Conference, which was held on Dec. 15-16 to brainstorm on how to manage the economy next year, “should have devoted most of its discussions to various anti-coronavirus measures.”

A quiet anger can be detected in their voices. It is anger toward the careless way the situation has been handled.

A typical example is the read out of the Central Economic Work Conference. It merely notes the need for “better coordinating epidemic prevention and control with economic and social development,” and urges efforts to optimize epidemic response, with a focus on the elderly and those with underlying diseases.

It is almost admitting that nothing was decided on COVID.

The absence of coherent policy hints at the fact that the zero-COVID policy was abandoned quickly at Xi’s orders. The words of the leader, who acquired ultimate power at the party’s 20th national congress in October, has changed everything. But it is also sowing confusion.

Every five to 10 years, after China’s major leadership shuffles, tumultuous incidents can crop up in political voids. It looks like that has happened again.

Premier Li Keqiang and Vice Premier Sun Chunlan, the latter responsible for the government’s COVID response, are no longer part of the Communist Party’s powerful Central Committee. Having been sidelined at the party’s recent national congress, they will retire from their current posts next spring.

In normal times, Premier Li would already be a lame duck. But with new No. 2 Li Qiang, a close aide to Xi, having no experience in the central government and not knowing how to work the administrative machinery, Li Keqiang continues to have his hands on the steering wheel.

Li Qiang in October became a Politburo Standing Committee member and will probably be chosen as Premier Li’s successor in the spring.

He once served as the top official of Shanghai, Jiangsu province, and as a top-level official in Zhejiang province. The bureaucratic machinery in those and other regions, however, differs greatly from that in Beijing. He is probably perplexed by the difference.

This structure is a tragedy for Chinese people suffering from the coronavirus.

Symbolically, at the Central Economic Work Conference, Premier Li Keqiang first gave a speech. Separately, Li Qiang gave a summary of the conference.

Li Keqiang and Li Qiang. The COVID crisis and Li Qiang’s inexperience have made it impossible for Premier Li Keqiang to slide into the role of a lame-duck politician.
Local bureaucrats who receive orders from the central government feel it difficult to act on them since there are two command centers in Beijing — one led by Premier Li and the other by Li Qiang.

As it is unclear whose orders they should obey, the best way to protect oneself is to do nothing — a typical survival strategy among Chinese bureaucrats.

Optimists hope that herd immunity may be achieved soon since the number of COVID cases in China is growing so fast.

There is a possibility that COVID-19 cases in Beijing, Hebei province and surrounding areas will peak and begin to decline within this year, well before the Chinese New Year holidays, which begin in late January.

But this is merely an expectation.

China has to be wary of what other countries have gone through. Coming out of one outbreak doesn’t mean the pandemic is over; it only means one wave has petered out. When China emerges from this crisis, it could only be a matter of time before the next wave builds.

What is most terrifying is the odds of the virus mutating if several hundreds of millions of people are infected, then a new variant taking off on its own destructive path.

It is tough to predict what impact such a crisis will have on the Chinese and global economies.

According to shocking new projections announced last week by the University of Washington’s Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, COVID-19 cases might grow explosively in China throughout next year, resulting in more than 1 million deaths.

The projections also show that a third of China’s 1.4 billion people will have been infected by spring.

Chinese health authorities on Monday announced only two additional deaths. No one in China believes the toll is that low as many people have witnessed the deaths of elderly family members or neighbors.

In fact, there is information that at a famous Beijing university, more than 10 people have died since the start of December, including an elderly former professor, other teachers, university officials and their family members.

This information has been shared secretly only among people concerned in Beijing.

It is true that the omicron variant kills relatively few of the people it infects. But the variant will deal a heavier-than-expected blow to China due to the country’s large elderly population.

It is being said crematories in Greater Beijing are operating at full capacity but that some bodies are having to wait to be burned. The situation is serious.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-As-COVID-soars-China-has-2-chains-of-command?

Leaked notes from Chinese health officials estimate 250 million Covid-19 infections in December: reports

Among the estimates cited in both reports, was the revelation that on Tuesday alone, 37 million people were newly infected with Covid-19 across China. That stood in dramatic contrast to the official number of 3,049 new infections reported that day.

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/23/china/china-covid-infections-250-million-intl-hnk/index.html

Reply Quote

Date: 26/12/2022 20:21:05
From: ms spock
ID: 1971921
Subject: re: China Politics

Deaths Among CCP Elites Rise as COVID-19 Wave Hits China; China Claims Sufficient Drug Supply

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dYx2hQeLjpQ

Reply Quote

Date: 27/12/2022 00:52:06
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1971995
Subject: re: China Politics

ms spock said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

It is true that the omicron variant kills relatively few of the people it infects.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-As-COVID-soars-China-has-2-chains-of-command??

Leaked notes from Chinese health officials estimate 250 million Covid-19 infections in December: reports

Among the estimates cited in both reports, was the revelation that on Tuesday alone, 37 million people were newly infected with Covid-19 across China. That stood in dramatic contrast to the official number of 3,049 new infections reported that day.

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/23/china/china-covid-infections-250-million-intl-hnk/index.html

they’re fucked

Reply Quote

Date: 27/12/2022 01:03:17
From: sibeen
ID: 1971997
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

ms spock said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

It is true that the omicron variant kills relatively few of the people it infects.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Editor-s-Picks/China-up-close/Analysis-As-COVID-soars-China-has-2-chains-of-command??

Leaked notes from Chinese health officials estimate 250 million Covid-19 infections in December: reports

Among the estimates cited in both reports, was the revelation that on Tuesday alone, 37 million people were newly infected with Covid-19 across China. That stood in dramatic contrast to the official number of 3,049 new infections reported that day.

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/23/china/china-covid-infections-250-million-intl-hnk/index.html

they’re fucked

p_p, give SCIENCE his handle back!

Reply Quote

Date: 27/12/2022 01:14:24
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1971998
Subject: re: China Politics

sibeen said:

SCIENCE said:

ms spock said:

Leaked notes from Chinese health officials estimate 250 million Covid-19 infections in December: reports

Among the estimates cited in both reports, was the revelation that on Tuesday alone, 37 million people were newly infected with Covid-19 across China. That stood in dramatic contrast to the official number of 3,049 new infections reported that day.

https://edition.cnn.com/2022/12/23/china/china-covid-infections-250-million-intl-hnk/index.html

they’re fucked

p_p, give SCIENCE his handle back!

oh c’m‘on we’ve always held that any idiots looking to Let It Rip® are getting themselves fucked

Reply Quote

Date: 9/01/2023 22:17:02
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1978350
Subject: re: China Politics

Reply Quote

Date: 11/01/2023 11:20:02
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1978891
Subject: re: China Politics

OFFICIAL: Men From CHINA Are Lazy Bastards

https://theconversation.com/women-work-harder-than-men-our-anthropological-study-reveals-why-196826

Our first finding was that women worked much harder than men, and contributed most of the fruits of this labour to their families. This was evidenced both by their own reports of how much they worked and by their activity trackers.

https://www.cell.com/current-biology/fulltext/S0960-9822(22)01963-7

Reply Quote

Date: 12/01/2023 15:36:04
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1979574
Subject: re: China Politics

The Chinese Communist Party plans to avoid a zero-covid reckoning
Like Chairman Mao, Xi Jinping seems to believe that China’s rise trumps individual suffering

Jan 5th 2023

Across china, families are enduring avoidable misery and heartbreak, as loved ones succumb to a deadly—and predictable—wave of covid-19 infections for which their rulers failed to prepare. Some overseas analysts talk of a turning-point. They wonder if today’s policy disarray, which follows on the heels of anti-lockdown protests in late 2022, signals a crisis of legitimacy for President Xi Jinping and the Communist Party.

This is a grim moment for China’s people. For all the claims that infections have peaked in big cities like Beijing, there will, tragically, be more deaths when the virus finds older folk now sheltering at home, or living in rural villages. A shameful number of those deaths will be preventable. Yet it is possible that Mr Xi will pay no visible price for pandemic horrors on his watch.

Many outsiders were taken aback by the Chinese public’s broad tolerance of zero-covid controls, notably in the first two years of the pandemic. Even the months-long lockdown of nearly 25m people in Shanghai, in the spring of 2022, was shrugged off by many other Chinese. Zero-covid was, in essence, a giant utilitarian experiment. In a huge country with a weak health system, its harsh, often arbitrary controls did save lives. Most of the time, in most of China, life was relatively normal. The suffering of unfortunates living in closed cities or hauled off to quarantine camps was not much discussed or (owing to censors) widely known.

The best explanation for zero-covid’s unplanned end involves a similar weighing of numbers. A dangerously broad cross-section of the public grew sick of controls that no longer worked, as the virulence of the Omicron variant disrupted life and wrecked the economy in too many places, and oases of normality shrank. Protests offered proof of this exhaustion. But in truth authorities were losing control of covid before demonstrators hit the streets.

The party’s information monopoly helps it conceal how it wasted 2022, failing to raise vaccination rates or prepare hospitals. No opposition or free press exists to challenge the National Health Commission’s sudden claim, in the People’s Daily of January 3rd, that the country has 12.8 intensive-care beds per 100,000 people, though the same commission said in November that there were fewer than four such beds per 100,000. China calls two home-grown covid shots “full vaccination”; most Chinese do not know that a World Health Organisation boss last month called that dose “just not adequate”, especially for the over-60s.

Nationalism continues to generate bad policy. On January 3rd China’s foreign ministry rejected an offer by the European Union to donate advanced vaccines, tweaked to tackle Omicron. A spokesperson snapped that Chinese vaccine supplies are “ample”. A day earlier, China’s embassy in Paris challenged the notion that imported mrna vaccines are more effective than China’s shots (though they are and would save lives if used). Rehashing an anti-vaxxer talking-point, the embassy scorned Pfizer’s boss for catching covid, twice, after receiving his own company’s vaccines. Actually, nobody claims that mrna shots prevent mild infections.

The party has worked to portray outsiders seeking transparency as hostile and ill intentioned. While verifying reports of covid deaths far in excess of official statistics, an Economist colleague was scolded this week by a worker near a Beijing crematorium. With sincere anger, the man called death a private matter and, using a stock propaganda phrase, told the foreigner to “go report something involving positive energy”.

Public opinion is not monolithic. Online, cheerleading state-media reports about heroic doctors and nurses co-exist with widespread public cynicism about official pandemic statistics, for instance, and incredulity when many pharmacies and clinics recently ran out of even basic fever-reducing medicines.

Still, most urban Chinese under 40 have known life only in a country growing more prosperous and stronger, and that is a unifying experience. The party is tireless in harnessing such pride. Some months ago, the China Media Project at the University of Hong Kong, an invaluable propaganda-studies centre, spotted a revealing official commentary defending zero-covid. Reposted online by leading party media, it revived a long-forgotten argument advanced by Chairman Mao Zedong in 1953. Impatient with party elders fretting about high taxes levied on peasants to pay for China’s intervention in the Korean war, Mao dismissed the xiao renzheng, or small benevolence, of worrying about immediate concerns like taxes, next to the da renzheng, or great benevolence, of giving the masses a motherland that stood up to American imperialists. The commentary called the sacrifices of zero-covid an example of great benevolence in the people’s long-term interests.

An autocrat’s definition of benevolence
Mr Xi appears to subscribe to the same logic. In a year-end televised address, he nodded to “tough challenges” ahead in a new phase of covid-management, before pivoting to the glories of living in a rising China, hailing everything from the Beijing Winter Olympics of 2022 to the launching of new spacecraft and warships. He then praised early Communist Party revolutionaries for enduring hardships, and noted that one of his favourite phrases is: “Just as polishing makes jade finer, adversity makes one stronger.”

Mr Xi’s insouciance about suffering in a great cause is chilling, for the same logic might be used to justify any autocrat’s cruellest whim. It is also a bet that China’s national rise, his core claim to legitimacy, will continue. Expect the party to trumpet that the country is swiftly returning to economic growth as covid controls vanish, and to censor and demonise all those exposing its blunders. Already officials offer hollow boasts about new covid policies that “put the people first and put life first”, while busily hiding needless deaths. Mr Xi may yet face hard-to-see costs when it comes to public trust in his rule. But if the party retains absolute power after memories of covid fade, that is a bargain it will take.

https://www.economist.com/china/2023/01/05/the-chinese-communist-party-plans-to-avoid-a-zero-covid-reckoning?

Reply Quote

Date: 12/01/2023 16:26:11
From: ms spock
ID: 1979592
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


The Chinese Communist Party plans to avoid a zero-covid reckoning
Like Chairman Mao, Xi Jinping seems to believe that China’s rise trumps individual suffering

Jan 5th 2023

Across china, families are enduring avoidable misery and heartbreak, as loved ones succumb to a deadly—and predictable—wave of covid-19 infections for which their rulers failed to prepare. Some overseas analysts talk of a turning-point. They wonder if today’s policy disarray, which follows on the heels of anti-lockdown protests in late 2022, signals a crisis of legitimacy for President Xi Jinping and the Communist Party.

This is a grim moment for China’s people. For all the claims that infections have peaked in big cities like Beijing, there will, tragically, be more deaths when the virus finds older folk now sheltering at home, or living in rural villages. A shameful number of those deaths will be preventable. Yet it is possible that Mr Xi will pay no visible price for pandemic horrors on his watch.

Many outsiders were taken aback by the Chinese public’s broad tolerance of zero-covid controls, notably in the first two years of the pandemic. Even the months-long lockdown of nearly 25m people in Shanghai, in the spring of 2022, was shrugged off by many other Chinese. Zero-covid was, in essence, a giant utilitarian experiment. In a huge country with a weak health system, its harsh, often arbitrary controls did save lives. Most of the time, in most of China, life was relatively normal. The suffering of unfortunates living in closed cities or hauled off to quarantine camps was not much discussed or (owing to censors) widely known.

The best explanation for zero-covid’s unplanned end involves a similar weighing of numbers. A dangerously broad cross-section of the public grew sick of controls that no longer worked, as the virulence of the Omicron variant disrupted life and wrecked the economy in too many places, and oases of normality shrank. Protests offered proof of this exhaustion. But in truth authorities were losing control of covid before demonstrators hit the streets.

The party’s information monopoly helps it conceal how it wasted 2022, failing to raise vaccination rates or prepare hospitals. No opposition or free press exists to challenge the National Health Commission’s sudden claim, in the People’s Daily of January 3rd, that the country has 12.8 intensive-care beds per 100,000 people, though the same commission said in November that there were fewer than four such beds per 100,000. China calls two home-grown covid shots “full vaccination”; most Chinese do not know that a World Health Organisation boss last month called that dose “just not adequate”, especially for the over-60s.

Nationalism continues to generate bad policy. On January 3rd China’s foreign ministry rejected an offer by the European Union to donate advanced vaccines, tweaked to tackle Omicron. A spokesperson snapped that Chinese vaccine supplies are “ample”. A day earlier, China’s embassy in Paris challenged the notion that imported mrna vaccines are more effective than China’s shots (though they are and would save lives if used). Rehashing an anti-vaxxer talking-point, the embassy scorned Pfizer’s boss for catching covid, twice, after receiving his own company’s vaccines. Actually, nobody claims that mrna shots prevent mild infections.

The party has worked to portray outsiders seeking transparency as hostile and ill intentioned. While verifying reports of covid deaths far in excess of official statistics, an Economist colleague was scolded this week by a worker near a Beijing crematorium. With sincere anger, the man called death a private matter and, using a stock propaganda phrase, told the foreigner to “go report something involving positive energy”.

Public opinion is not monolithic. Online, cheerleading state-media reports about heroic doctors and nurses co-exist with widespread public cynicism about official pandemic statistics, for instance, and incredulity when many pharmacies and clinics recently ran out of even basic fever-reducing medicines.

Still, most urban Chinese under 40 have known life only in a country growing more prosperous and stronger, and that is a unifying experience. The party is tireless in harnessing such pride. Some months ago, the China Media Project at the University of Hong Kong, an invaluable propaganda-studies centre, spotted a revealing official commentary defending zero-covid. Reposted online by leading party media, it revived a long-forgotten argument advanced by Chairman Mao Zedong in 1953. Impatient with party elders fretting about high taxes levied on peasants to pay for China’s intervention in the Korean war, Mao dismissed the xiao renzheng, or small benevolence, of worrying about immediate concerns like taxes, next to the da renzheng, or great benevolence, of giving the masses a motherland that stood up to American imperialists. The commentary called the sacrifices of zero-covid an example of great benevolence in the people’s long-term interests.

An autocrat’s definition of benevolence
Mr Xi appears to subscribe to the same logic. In a year-end televised address, he nodded to “tough challenges” ahead in a new phase of covid-management, before pivoting to the glories of living in a rising China, hailing everything from the Beijing Winter Olympics of 2022 to the launching of new spacecraft and warships. He then praised early Communist Party revolutionaries for enduring hardships, and noted that one of his favourite phrases is: “Just as polishing makes jade finer, adversity makes one stronger.”

Mr Xi’s insouciance about suffering in a great cause is chilling, for the same logic might be used to justify any autocrat’s cruellest whim. It is also a bet that China’s national rise, his core claim to legitimacy, will continue. Expect the party to trumpet that the country is swiftly returning to economic growth as covid controls vanish, and to censor and demonise all those exposing its blunders. Already officials offer hollow boasts about new covid policies that “put the people first and put life first”, while busily hiding needless deaths. Mr Xi may yet face hard-to-see costs when it comes to public trust in his rule. But if the party retains absolute power after memories of covid fade, that is a bargain it will take.

https://www.economist.com/china/2023/01/05/the-chinese-communist-party-plans-to-avoid-a-zero-covid-reckoning?

There’s reports that even the most wealthy aren’t able to get bed now. Wish we knew what was really going on.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nWDsV5rCEiM

Reply Quote

Date: 4/02/2023 01:16:40
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1990311
Subject: re: China Politics

good to see The Economy Must Growing encouraged by some healthy competitive rivalry

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-02-03/south-china-sea-beijing-china-taiwan-gas-fishing-military/101843870

Reply Quote

Date: 11/02/2023 15:42:32
From: SCIENCE
ID: 1993066
Subject: re: China Politics

propaganda

Reply Quote

Date: 26/02/2023 11:47:32
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 1999011
Subject: re: China Politics

China tells big tech companies not to offer ChatGPT services
State media outlet blasts chatbot as spreading U.S. government ‘misinformation’

CISSY ZHOU, Nikkei staff writer

February 22, 2023 16:03 JSTUpdated on February 22, 2023 20:34 JST

HONG KONG — Regulators have told major Chinese tech companies not to offer ChatGPT services to the public amid growing alarm in Beijing over the AI-powered chatbot’s uncensored replies to user queries.

Tencent Holdings and Ant Group, the fintech affiliate of Alibaba Group Holding, have been instructed not to offer access to ChatGPT services on their platforms, either directly or via third parties, people with direct knowledge of the matter told Nikkei Asia.

Tech companies will also need to report to regulators before they launch their own ChatGPT-like services, the sources added.

ChatGPT, developed by Microsoft-backed startup OpenAI, is not officially available in China but some internet users have been able to access it using a virtual private network (VPN). There have also been dozens of “mini programs” released by third-party developers on Tencent’s WeChat social media app that claim to offer services from ChatGPT.

Under regulatory pressure, Tencent has suspended several such third-party services regardless of whether they were connected to ChatGPT or were in fact copycats, people familiar with the matter told Nikkei.

This is not the first time that China has blocked foreign websites or applications. Beijing has banned dozens of prominent U.S. websites and apps. Between 2009 and 2010, it moved to block Google, Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter. Between 2018 and 2019, it instituted bans on Reddit and Wikipedia.

The latest move by regulators comes amid an official backlash against ChatGPT. On Monday, state-owned media outlet China Daily said in a post on Weibo, China’s heavily censored equivalent of Twitter, that the chatbot “could provide a helping hand to the U.S. government in its spread of disinformation and its manipulation of global narratives for its own geopolitical interests.”

Sources in the tech industry say they are not surprised by such a clampdown.

“Our understanding from the beginning is that ChatGPT can never enter China due to issues with censorship, and China will need its own versions of ChatGPT,” said one executive from a leading tech company.

An executive from another leading Chinese tech player said that even without a direct warning his company would not make use of ChatGPT.

“We have already been a target of the Chinese regulator , so even if there were no such ban, we would never take the initiative to add ChatGPT to our platforms because its responses are uncontrollable,” the person said. “There will inevitably be some users who ask the chatbot politically sensitive questions, but the platform would be held accountable for the results.”

Since ChatGPT took the tech world by storm, Chinese tech giants, including Tencent, Alibaba and Baidu, have rushed to unveil their own plans for developing ChatGPT-like services. These companies have been cautious about wording their announcements, however, with all of them stressing that their services are ChatGPT-like but do not integrate ChatGPT itself.

Baidu has announced that it will complete internal testing of a ChatGPT-style project called “Ernie Bot” in March. The service may not initially be a chatbot but rather an embedded feature in some of the company’s products, people familiar with the matter at Baidu told Nikkei.

China’s clampdown on ChatGPT comes as tensions between the world’s two largest economies continue to escalate. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said earlier this week that new information suggests Beijing could provide “lethal support” to Russia in the Ukraine war, triggering concerns over a new cold war. The Chinese Foreign Ministry said the claims were false and accused Washington of spreading lies.

OpenAI, Alibaba, Tencent and Ant Group did not immediately respond to Nikkei Asia’s request for comment.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/China-tech/China-tells-big-tech-companies-not-to-offer-ChatGPT-services?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:11:39
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001424
Subject: re: China Politics

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:16:15
From: Woodie
ID: 2001428
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

Naughty China, horrible China, bad China. Bad, bad, bad, bad, bad China.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:17:50
From: Cymek
ID: 2001430
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

Perhaps they want less children as child rearing is expensive and they prefer to spend the money on themselves

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:20:35
From: Kothos
ID: 2001431
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

They almost wilfully brought it on themselves. 20 or 30 years ago China was improving by leaps and bounds. But that much freedom spooked the authorities and they had to turn back the clock.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:22:53
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001433
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

They almost wilfully brought it on themselves. 20 or 30 years ago China was improving by leaps and bounds. But that much freedom spooked the authorities and they had to turn back the clock.

I watched a Youtube doco last night on North Korea. What a hellhole that place is.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:24:41
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001435
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

Perhaps they want less children as child rearing is expensive and they prefer to spend the money on themselves

Yes. Kids a good value for money IMO though.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:26:47
From: Cymek
ID: 2001436
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


Kothos said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

They almost wilfully brought it on themselves. 20 or 30 years ago China was improving by leaps and bounds. But that much freedom spooked the authorities and they had to turn back the clock.

I watched a Youtube doco last night on North Korea. What a hellhole that place is.

Can imagine, was it a secretly recorded documentary ?
It’s nuclear weapons programme must divert a lot of resources that could fed its people

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:27:02
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001437
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


Kothos said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

They almost wilfully brought it on themselves. 20 or 30 years ago China was improving by leaps and bounds. But that much freedom spooked the authorities and they had to turn back the clock.

I watched a Youtube doco last night on North Korea. What a hellhole that place is.

It is.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:27:21
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001438
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

China’s birthrate has increased at a similar rate to the rest of the world. Why they should now be concerned about a falling population is unbelievable and reflects the stupidity of the human race.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:29:40
From: Cymek
ID: 2001439
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Opinion China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism
By Nicholas Eberstadt
February 28, 2023 at 4:14 p.m. EST

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

China is in the midst of a quiet but stunning nationwide collapse of birthrates. This is the deeper, still largely overlooked, significance of the country’s 2022 population decline, announced by Chinese authorities last month.

Sign up for a weekly roundup of thought-provoking ideas and debates
As recently as 2019, demographers at the U.S. Census Bureau and the United Nations were not expecting China’s population to start dropping until the early 2030s. But they did not anticipate today’s wholesale plunge in childbearing.

Considerable attention has been devoted to likely consequences of China’s coming depopulation: economic, political, strategic. But the causes of last year’s population drop deserve much closer examination.

China’s nosedive in childbearing is a silent alarm. It signals deep disaffection with the bleak future the regime is engineering for its subjects. In this land without democracy, the birth collapse can be read as a landslide vote of no confidence in President Xi Jinping’s rule.

Official Chinese government statistics are far from perfect (Premier Li Keqiang once called China’s economic numbers “man-made”), but they offer a serviceable approximation of recent birth trends.

According to the data, births in China have fallen steeply and steadily since 2016, year after year. In 2022, China had only about half as many births as just six years earlier (9.6 million vs. 17.9 million). That sea change in childbearing predated the coronavirus pandemic, and it appears to be part of broader shock, for marriage in China is also in free fall.

Since 2013 — the year Xi completed his ascent to power — the rate of first marriages in China has fallen by well over half. Headlong flights from both childbearing and marriage are taking place in China today.

Of course, fertility levels, and marriage rates, are dropping all around the world. But these declines tend to be gradual, occurring across decades. China has been hit by seismic demographic jolts. Birth shocks of this order almost never occur under stable modern governments during peacetime. Swift and sharp fertility crashes instead usually reflect catastrophe: famine, war or other shattering upheavals.

What does it take to drive down a country’s birth totals by almost 50 percent in the space of just a few years? Estimates from the U.N. Population Division to consider:

During China’s Mao-era famine, in which tens of millions perished, birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1957 (the last year before the Great Leap Forward) and 1961 (the depths of the starvation).
During the chaos of the Soviet collapse, Russian Federation birth levels fell by less than 40 percent between 1988 (the year before the Berlin Wall fell) and 1994 (when male life expectancy fell to a gruesome 57 years).
In Yugoslavia’s hellish breakup and ethnic cleansing, birth levels in Bosnia fell by about 40 percent between 1990 (the last year before Yugoslavia’s breakup) and 1995.
Even Pol Pot, architect of auto-genocide in Cambodia, could not quite manage to force that nation’s birth total down by half during the Khmer Rouge nightmare: According the UNPD, birth levels in Cambodia dropped by 48 percent between 1973 and 1977.

Yet China — amid social order and economic health, not apocalyptic upheaval — has just experienced its own harrowing birth plunge. Why?

The answer most likely lies in the dispirited outlook of the Chinese populace itself. Absent disaster, one of the most powerful predictor of fertility levels the world over — across countries, ethnicities and time — turns out to be the number of children that women (also men) happen to want. More than any other factor, human agency matters in national birth patterns, a truth that should come as no surprise.

So, yes, China’s birth decline since 2016 can be explained — but only by a revolutionary, wildfire change in national mood. It would take a sudden, pervasive and desperately pessimistic turn of mind.

In 2016, before the plunge, Chinese fertility was already well below the replacement rate of around 2.1 children per woman, the level needed for population stability. The UNPD reckons that the 2016 rate was 1.77, or 19 percent below the stability target.

The subsequent six-year Chinese birth swoon has dragged fertility down to an extraordinarily low level: If the 2022 birth tally is accurate, nationwide fertility would now be less than half the replacement rate. Even if the collapse is arrested and fertility remains at that level, each new generation in China will be less than half as large as the one before it.

Much of East Asia is beset by super-low fertility — not just China but also Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. But in China, it is occurring under a totalitarian regime exhorting its subjects to provide more issue for the empire.

The timing of China’s birth collapse matters: The downward spiral commenced immediately after the Chinese Communist Party suspended decades of coercive birth-control policy.

In 2015, Beijing’s population planners finally concluded that the consequences of their awful “one child policy” were inimical to state interests. So it was time to set population policy in reverse.

Note that the regime still claims authority over family size: “the birth of a baby,” in the words of the government-run publication People’s Daily, remains “a state affair.” But now Beijing wants more babies from its subjects. A dictatorship may use bayonets to depress birthrates — but it is much trickier to deploy police state tactics to force birthrates up.

Beijing has not yet figured out how to command the people to feel optimism about their personal futures — or thrill at the prospect of bringing more babies into a dystopian world of ubiquitous facial recognition technology, draconian censorship and the new high-tech panopticon known as the “social credit system.”

Instead, we see millions of young people joining spontaneous movements expressing alienation from work — tang ping (lying flat) — and from Chinese society itself — bai lan (let it rot). The Xi regime doesn’t know what to do about this new form of internalized civil disobedience.

Last year, during one of the regime’s innumerable, drastic pandemic lockdowns, a video went viral in China before authorities could memory hole it.

In the video, faceless hazmat-clad health police try to bully a young man out of his apartment and off to a quarantine camp, even though he has tested negative for the coronavirus. He refuses to leave.

“Don’t you understand,” they warn, “if you don’t comply, bad things can happen to your family for three generations.”

“Sorry” he replies mildly. “We are the last generation. Thank you.”

That moment prompted the spread in China of a despairing social media hashtag: #Lastgeneration.

The dictatorship has brought this demographic defiance upon itself. Xi calls his vaunted vision for the future the “China Dream.” #Lastgeneration is a reminder that the Chinese people increasingly seem to regard it as a nightmare.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/02/28/behind-china-collapse-birth-marriage-rates/?

China’s birthrate has increased at a similar rate to the rest of the world. Why they should now be concerned about a falling population is unbelievable and reflects the stupidity of the human race.


I suppose they are thinking in terms of increasing economic and military might 25 to 50 years down track and if they have less people it doesn’t work.
Other considerations don’t matter to them

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:30:08
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001441
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


ChrispenEvan said:

Kothos said:

They almost wilfully brought it on themselves. 20 or 30 years ago China was improving by leaps and bounds. But that much freedom spooked the authorities and they had to turn back the clock.

I watched a Youtube doco last night on North Korea. What a hellhole that place is.

Can imagine, was it a secretly recorded documentary ?
It’s nuclear weapons programme must divert a lot of resources that could fed its people

Yes, it was a group of french tourists.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=enm5T1yPI4M

Link

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:32:58
From: Woodie
ID: 2001444
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:37:25
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001447
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Enterprise_Institute

Link

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 16:39:27
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001450
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


Woodie said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/American_Enterprise_Institute

Link

Quite conservative it seems.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:17:46
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001470
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:23:38
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001472
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Woodie said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

woodie.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:24:30
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001473
Subject: re: China Politics

oh what the fuck wait they were just telling us two months ago that CHINA were basically in the stone age compared to even the Sentinelese and now this

China on track to dominate development of critical future technologies at expense of US, ASPI report says

Damn¿¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-02/china-critical-future-technologies-west-aspi-report/102041318

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:26:16
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001476
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Woodie said:

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

woodie.

木头

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:26:49
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001477
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Woodie said:

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

woodie.

No I meant that Woodie like PF should let rip…

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:27:59
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001478
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


ChrispenEvan said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

woodie.

No I meant that Woodie like PF should let rip…

inscrutable, you are.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:33:17
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001481
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

ChrispenEvan said:

woodie.

No I meant that Woodie like PF should let rip…

inscrutable, you are.

https://tvtropes.org/pmwiki/pmwiki.php/Main/InscrutableOriental

All in all, this trope can be described as the Eastern counterpart to Germanic Depressives. Any kernel of truth in the stereotype can be attributed to the one universal social mannerism throughout East and Southeast Asia of “maintaining face”, and which British people would understand: Don’t make a fuss.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:35:57
From: Kothos
ID: 2001483
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

That much is true.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:39:25
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001487
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


Woodie said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

That much is true.

The ‘Washington Post’ is centre left if that matters…

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:40:15
From: Kothos
ID: 2001488
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Kothos said:

Woodie said:

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

That much is true.

The ‘Washington Post’ is centre left if that matters…

Centre-left for an American rag owned by Rupert Murdoch?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:46:25
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001489
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Woodie said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Nicholas Eberstadt is the Wendt chair in political economy at the American Enterprise Institute.

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:49:53
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001492
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Woodie said:

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

o’c‘m’on everyone knows that the only way to have a high standard of living is to ensure that the slaves from shithole cuntries are breeding as fast as possible to provide us with cheap labour that can be trodden down under our feet to sustain our lifestyles

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:51:05
From: Michael V
ID: 2001493
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

ChrispenEvan said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

woodie.

木头

LOLOL

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:54:28
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2001494
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Kothos said:

That much is true.

The ‘Washington Post’ is centre left if that matters…

Centre-left for an American rag owned by Rupert Murdoch?

Ummm…

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:54:46
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2001495
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


…the one universal social mannerism throughout East and Southeast Asia of “maintaining face”, and which British people would understand: Don’t make a fuss.

Unless it’s something to do with the South China Sea, or the Taiwan Strait, or Taiwan itself, or Tiananmen, or reneging on Hong Kong guarantees, or the drug habits of Chinese athletes, in which case it’s cut loose, do your nut, crack a sad big time, go ‘nanas, chuck a wobbly, be ‘furious’.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:56:33
From: Cymek
ID: 2001496
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Woodie said:

These so called “Institutes” have nothing to with being a seat of learning or of being balanced analysis.

They are usually politically and idealogically based “think tanks” that are paid/funded to come up with something that suits their funding’s ideology and narrative.

This particular institute is funded to the tune of $45M US a year. You can donate here if you wish. https://www.aei.org/donate/

I cannot find list of declared donors.

Any actual criticism of the article? Don’t be shy, PF let rip…

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

It does seem they are upset a cheap disposable work force might be reduced

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 17:57:32
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2001497
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:

It does seem they are upset a cheap disposable work force might be reduced

No-one wants to work any more in China, too?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:00:50
From: Kothos
ID: 2001501
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:


I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:01:21
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001502
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Cymek said:

It does seem they are upset a cheap disposable work force might be reduced

No-one wants to work any more in China, too?

People in rich countries use around 4 times more resources than people in poor countries. There’s no way out going that way.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:03:21
From: Cymek
ID: 2001505
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Cymek said:

It does seem they are upset a cheap disposable work force might be reduced

No-one wants to work any more in China, too?

Probably not
It does all feed into the economy must grow, everything must stay the same regarding monetary policy.
China isn’t really any worse than those they are usurping, just have the advantage of modern technology.
Nations that crave power will do anything to get and maintain it, genocide is on the cards

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:03:32
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001507
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


PermeateFree said:

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.

Which is why things have to change, but the people who could do the changing are not listening.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:04:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001509
Subject: re: China Politics

PermeateFree said:

captain_spalding said:

Cymek said:

It does seem they are upset a cheap disposable work force might be reduced

No-one wants to work any more in China, too?

People in rich countries use around 4 times more resources than people in poor countries. There’s no way out going that way.

well that’s good that’s because the rich they’re responsible Must Growers Of The Economy, that’s why the poor cuntries need to grow their population 4 times faster

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:05:53
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001512
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


PermeateFree said:

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.

No they aren’t.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:07:37
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001514
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

PermeateFree said:

captain_spalding said:

No-one wants to work any more in China, too?

People in rich countries use around 4 times more resources than people in poor countries. There’s no way out going that way.

well that’s good that’s because the rich they’re responsible Must Growers Of The Economy, that’s why the poor cuntries need to grow their population 4 times faster

Then let her rip and the devil take the hindmost, which is the most likely scenario.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:16:45
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001517
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:

Kothos said:

PermeateFree said:

I am amazed that over most of the world the press, big business and politicians go apocalyptic that human populations in developed countries are likely to fall, whilst totally ignoring the fact of their meteoric rise over the last 50 or so years that far exceeds anything that has gone before, which in turn has created the really big problems of our survival as a species. Don’t they look back more than 10 years or are they blinded by the vison of their fat bank accounts. These super greedy people should just get their snouts out of the trough for a minute to see what they are doing to the planet and realise things have to change!

They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.

No they aren’t.

¿ref

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:19:42
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001519
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

Kothos said:

They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.

No they aren’t.

¿ref

observation.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:25:46
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001520
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:

SCIENCE said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

No they aren’t.

¿ref

observation.

sorry the True Geniuses only accept RCTs for any and every thing

but your point is fair, we too would like clarification on what it means when one says

Modern economies are predicated on continual X

for whatever X is selected

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:30:41
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001522
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

SCIENCE said:

¿ref

observation.

sorry the True Geniuses only accept RCTs for any and every thing

but your point is fair, we too would like clarification on what it means when one says

Modern economies are predicated on continual X

for whatever X is selected

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:36:04
From: Cymek
ID: 2001523
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


SCIENCE said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

observation.

sorry the True Geniuses only accept RCTs for any and every thing

but your point is fair, we too would like clarification on what it means when one says

Modern economies are predicated on continual X

for whatever X is selected

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:43:55
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001525
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:

ChrispenEvan said:

SCIENCE said:

sorry the True Geniuses only accept RCTs for any and every thing

but your point is fair, we too would like clarification on what it means when one says

Modern economies are predicated on continual X

for whatever X is selected

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

ah poor old Donald so maligned and misunderstood

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 18:57:41
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001529
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


ChrispenEvan said:

SCIENCE said:

sorry the True Geniuses only accept RCTs for any and every thing

but your point is fair, we too would like clarification on what it means when one says

Modern economies are predicated on continual X

for whatever X is selected

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:12:10
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001532
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Cymek said:

ChrispenEvan said:

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

yeah but the fanatics made everyone believe that the aim is the greatest good for the greatest number so obviously the number must be increasing

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:21:49
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001536
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

Cymek said:

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

yeah but the fanatics made everyone believe that the aim is the greatest good for the greatest number so obviously the number must be increasing

Unless you interpret that as greatest good for the highest proportion.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:25:02
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001537
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


SCIENCE said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

yeah but the fanatics made everyone believe that the aim is the greatest good for the greatest number so obviously the number must be increasing

Unless you interpret that as greatest good for the highest proportion.

It does appear that interpretations do differ.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:40:51
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001542
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

SCIENCE said:

yeah but the fanatics made everyone believe that the aim is the greatest good for the greatest number so obviously the number must be increasing

Unless you interpret that as greatest good for the highest proportion.

It does appear that interpretations do differ.

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:43:07
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001544
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


roughbarked said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

Unless you interpret that as greatest good for the highest proportion.

It does appear that interpretations do differ.

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

and I believe that was what Kothos was referring to.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 19:55:24
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2001547
Subject: re: China Politics

And yet people continue to talk about the good old days.
Even Obidan reckoned they were happy because they were poor, what a load of bollocks.
We’ve never had it so good, China’a never had it so good thanks to capitalism and the free market.
When I were lad there were only 2 houses with a telephone in the whole street.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:16:40
From: PermeateFree
ID: 2001552
Subject: re: China Politics

Peak Warming Man said:


And yet people continue to talk about the good old days.
Even Obidan reckoned they were happy because they were poor, what a load of bollocks.
We’ve never had it so good, China’a never had it so good thanks to capitalism and the free market.
When I were lad there were only 2 houses with a telephone in the whole street.

That is all true, but look at the state of the planet and the enormous problems it faces, most of which have taken shape in the recent “good old days.” The upside you relish also has the downside that appear to be insurmountable, especially if you consider their number and interconnectivity. The question is how long will these good times last, before it all comes crashing down and the good times are no longer good.

We tend to look at single problems and try to solve them with single answers, but the world does not work like as everything is interconnected and single simple solutions with all our current problems will not work.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:17:48
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001553
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


roughbarked said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

Unless you interpret that as greatest good for the highest proportion.

It does appear that interpretations do differ.

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

Yeah.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:34:51
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001558
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

roughbarked said:

It does appear that interpretations do differ.

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

and I believe that was what Kothos was referring to.

The way I read it, he was saying it was an unavoidable truth, rather than obvious nonsense.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:41:39
From: Bubblecar
ID: 2001559
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


ChrispenEvan said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

and I believe that was what Kothos was referring to.

The way I read it, he was saying it was an unavoidable truth, rather than obvious nonsense.

He was talking about the attitudes of those ostensibly in charge of the economy.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:49:08
From: Kothos
ID: 2001563
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Cymek said:

ChrispenEvan said:

because as we know, there are known knowns; there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns; that is to say we know there are some things we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns—the ones we don’t know we don’t know.

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

Tell that to the leaders. They rea rely on an increasing population to provide money and bodies to take care of the previous generation in their old age. Our standard of living in Australia is based on a high immigration rate bringing in fully formed able-bodied adults.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:49:28
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2001564
Subject: re: China Politics

If the chaps think one of the chaps is not doing the right thing they won’t muck around, they’ll have him straight out to lunch.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:53:57
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001566
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

Cymek said:

If we don’t have continual economic growth, job creation, increased profit, it’s considered bad.

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

Tell that to the leaders. They rea rely on an increasing population to provide money and bodies to take care of the previous generation in their old age. Our standard of living in Australia is based on a high immigration rate bringing in fully formed able-bodied adults.

As I said, it is convenient for politicians to pretend that increases in GDP based on population growth make everybody better off (and will continue to do so), but that is obviously not true.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:54:50
From: Kothos
ID: 2001567
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


ChrispenEvan said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

I mean it’s convenient for politicians to pretend that growth associated with an increasing population means that individuals are better off on average, but there is no reason for anybody else to accept that obvious nonsense.

and I believe that was what Kothos was referring to.

The way I read it, he was saying it was an unavoidable truth, rather than obvious nonsense.

Oh well, ChrispenEvan is right, but fair enough.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:56:32
From: Kothos
ID: 2001569
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Kothos said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

Depends who is doing the considering.

A rational is to maximise well being per head of population.

On that basis an ever increasing population is bad in almost all respects.

Tell that to the leaders. They rea rely on an increasing population to provide money and bodies to take care of the previous generation in their old age. Our standard of living in Australia is based on a high immigration rate bringing in fully formed able-bodied adults.

As I said, it is convenient for politicians to pretend that increases in GDP based on population growth make everybody better off (and will continue to do so), but that is obviously not true.

I agree. But change requires management because transitions are risky, and our leaders either don’t care, don’t have the guts for it, or benefit too much from the status quo.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:56:55
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001570
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

ChrispenEvan said:

and I believe that was what Kothos was referring to.

The way I read it, he was saying it was an unavoidable truth, rather than obvious nonsense.

Oh well, ChrispenEvan is right, but fair enough.

Well what you said was:

“They don’t know how to manage the reduction. Modern economies are predicated on continual growth, whether it be in resources or population or whatever.”

Feel free to explain what you meant.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:58:37
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2001571
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

Kothos said:

Tell that to the leaders. They rea rely on an increasing population to provide money and bodies to take care of the previous generation in their old age. Our standard of living in Australia is based on a high immigration rate bringing in fully formed able-bodied adults.

As I said, it is convenient for politicians to pretend that increases in GDP based on population growth make everybody better off (and will continue to do so), but that is obviously not true.

I agree. But change requires management because transitions are risky, and our leaders either don’t care, don’t have the guts for it, or benefit too much from the status quo.

In that case we seem to be in agreeance.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 20:59:41
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001573
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Kothos said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

As I said, it is convenient for politicians to pretend that increases in GDP based on population growth make everybody better off (and will continue to do so), but that is obviously not true.

I agree. But change requires management because transitions are risky, and our leaders either don’t care, don’t have the guts for it, or benefit too much from the status quo.

In that case we seem to be in agreeance.

goodo now I don’t have to post the same thing.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 21:06:23
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2001575
Subject: re: China Politics

>>Oh well, ChrispenEvan is righ

Steady lad.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 21:08:54
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001577
Subject: re: China Politics

Peak Warming Man said:


>>Oh well, ChrispenEvan is righ

Steady lad.

sibeen would be slamming the reply button like billyo to post “don’t encourage him!”

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 23:12:20
From: dv
ID: 2001593
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:

Yes. Kids a good value for money IMO though.

Can’t put a price on a miracle!

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 23:22:16
From: dv
ID: 2001599
Subject: re: China Politics

Still, it’s a remarkable turnaround. 100 years ago China’s population was around 25% of the global population. It is now around 18%.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 23:52:11
From: dv
ID: 2001609
Subject: re: China Politics


lol

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 23:54:23
From: ChrispenEvan
ID: 2001610
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:



lol

they need a baby bonus.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/03/2023 23:59:16
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001611
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:

dv said:


lol

they need a baby bonus.

can’t they just have another one for this guy, he’s the man

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 00:01:08
From: party_pants
ID: 2001613
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


dv said:


lol

they need a baby bonus.

They need affordable housing in the big cities, and a state pension scheme for the wrinklies. In the absence of both the younger couples are expected to look after their retired parents. Being mostly the children of single child families themselves they no siblings to help out. Couples can’t afford to have children.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 07:07:11
From: esselte
ID: 2001651
Subject: re: China Politics

The Caspian Report is an excellent Youtube channel that some of you might enjoy. Here they discuss the causes of the current escalating tensions between the US and China, and the possibility of war breaking out in the near future.

America predicts war with China in 2025
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f52FCWb5FEM

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 08:40:52
From: Kothos
ID: 2001668
Subject: re: China Politics

ChrispenEvan said:


dv said:


lol

they need a baby bonus.

Obviously they just need a four-child policy to fix the problem.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 08:41:59
From: Kothos
ID: 2001669
Subject: re: China Politics

esselte said:


The Caspian Report is an excellent Youtube channel that some of you might enjoy. Here they discuss the causes of the current escalating tensions between the US and China, and the possibility of war breaking out in the near future.

America predicts war with China in 2025
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f52FCWb5FEM

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 08:55:44
From: Spiny Norman
ID: 2001672
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


ChrispenEvan said:

dv said:


lol

they need a baby bonus.

Obviously they just need a four-child policy to fix the problem.

As we pollute the planet more and more by the hour, I’m liking Thanos’s idea of reducing the population by half.
It’d be very difficult to do in many ways and take most of a century though.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:06:59
From: ms spock
ID: 2001676
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


esselte said:

The Caspian Report is an excellent Youtube channel that some of you might enjoy. Here they discuss the causes of the current escalating tensions between the US and China, and the possibility of war breaking out in the near future.

America predicts war with China in 2025
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f52FCWb5FEM

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

:)

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:08:34
From: ms spock
ID: 2001677
Subject: re: China Politics

ms spock said:


Kothos said:

esselte said:

The Caspian Report is an excellent Youtube channel that some of you might enjoy. Here they discuss the causes of the current escalating tensions between the US and China, and the possibility of war breaking out in the near future.

America predicts war with China in 2025
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f52FCWb5FEM

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

:)

I read a great history of the last 2,500 years of the South China Seas. I must see if I can dig it out. It gives a lot of historical context for the current situations.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:08:46
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001678
Subject: re: China Politics

ms spock said:


Kothos said:

esselte said:

The Caspian Report is an excellent Youtube channel that some of you might enjoy. Here they discuss the causes of the current escalating tensions between the US and China, and the possibility of war breaking out in the near future.

America predicts war with China in 2025
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f52FCWb5FEM

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

:)

Had better get on with it then?

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:12:01
From: Kothos
ID: 2001679
Subject: re: China Politics

Spiny Norman said:


Kothos said:

ChrispenEvan said:

they need a baby bonus.

Obviously they just need a four-child policy to fix the problem.

As we pollute the planet more and more by the hour, I’m liking Thanos’s idea of reducing the population by half.
It’d be very difficult to do in many ways and take most of a century though.

Surprising number of Thanos supporters in the world. His method was just too crude though. Needed a bit more subtlety.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:12:28
From: Kothos
ID: 2001680
Subject: re: China Politics

ms spock said:


ms spock said:

Kothos said:

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

:)

I read a great history of the last 2,500 years of the South China Seas. I must see if I can dig it out. It gives a lot of historical context for the current situations.

That would be interesting.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:12:57
From: Kothos
ID: 2001681
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


ms spock said:

Kothos said:

So, only two more years to enjoy life. Noted.

:)

Had better get on with it then?

It’ll take at least 23 months to get my affairs in order.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:13:19
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001682
Subject: re: China Politics

let it rip

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:14:12
From: Spiny Norman
ID: 2001683
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


Spiny Norman said:

Kothos said:

Obviously they just need a four-child policy to fix the problem.

As we pollute the planet more and more by the hour, I’m liking Thanos’s idea of reducing the population by half.
It’d be very difficult to do in many ways and take most of a century though.

Surprising number of Thanos supporters in the world. His method was just too crude though. Needed a bit more subtlety.

Yeah I would have done it differently. Things like using the Infinity Stones to reduce the birth rate to something like 10% for a few centuries.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:20:27
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001685
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


Spiny Norman said:

Kothos said:

Obviously they just need a four-child policy to fix the problem.

As we pollute the planet more and more by the hour, I’m liking Thanos’s idea of reducing the population by half.
It’d be very difficult to do in many ways and take most of a century though.

Surprising number of Thanos supporters in the world. His method was just too crude though. Needed a bit more subtlety.

Surely a war can do this in quite a short time frame?

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 09:21:03
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001686
Subject: re: China Politics

Kothos said:


roughbarked said:

ms spock said:

:)

Had better get on with it then?

It’ll take at least 23 months to get my affairs in order.

I’ll still be fiddling with that when Rome burns.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 12:39:41
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001801
Subject: re: China Politics

China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — “the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week”: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-03/china-s-new-coal-plant-approvals-surge-in-2022/102048480

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 12:40:52
From: roughbarked
ID: 2001802
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week

Bloody space was in there.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 12:43:22
From: Cymek
ID: 2001805
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — “the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week”: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-03/china-s-new-coal-plant-approvals-surge-in-2022/102048480

Australia “What’s that, get ready miners it’s payday”

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 13:01:19
From: Woodie
ID: 2001817
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — “the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week”: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-03/china-s-new-coal-plant-approvals-surge-in-2022/102048480

China is a bloody big place, ya know.

China Invests $546 Billion in Clean Energy, Far Surpassing the U.S. China once again topped the world in clean energy investments last year, a trend that could challenge U.S. efforts to develop more homegrown manufacturing.

Nearly half of the world’s low-carbon spending took place in China.

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/china-invests-546-billion-in-clean-energy-far-surpassing-the-u-s/

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 13:49:45
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2001851
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:

roughbarked said:

China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — “the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week”: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-03/china-s-new-coal-plant-approvals-surge-in-2022/102048480

Australia “What’s that, get ready miners it’s payday”

exactly, why the fuck are our propaganda machines complaining, this is good for The Economy Must Grow on fossilised black plant shit exports

Reply Quote

Date: 3/03/2023 22:29:29
From: ms spock
ID: 2002102
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


roughbarked said:

China is building six times more new coal plants than the rest of the world combined, new research shows
China approved the construction of another 106 gigawatts of coal-fired power capacity last year — “the equivalent of two large coal power plants per week”: https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-03-03/china-s-new-coal-plant-approvals-surge-in-2022/102048480

China is a bloody big place, ya know.

China Invests $546 Billion in Clean Energy, Far Surpassing the U.S. China once again topped the world in clean energy investments last year, a trend that could challenge U.S. efforts to develop more homegrown manufacturing.

Nearly half of the world’s low-carbon spending took place in China.

https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/china-invests-546-billion-in-clean-energy-far-surpassing-the-u-s/

The Third Industrial Revolution: A Radical New Sharing Economy

Reply Quote

Date: 4/03/2023 11:47:18
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2002383
Subject: re: China Politics

This one is from a right-wing paper:

The ‘Chinese century’ is not going to plan as turmoil looms
By Melissa Lawford
March 3, 2023 — 7.30pm

Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph Stiglitz declared almost a decade ago that 2014 “was the last year in which the US could claim to be the world’s largest economic power.” It was, he claimed, the start of the “Chinese century”.

He was wrong: the US remains the world’s largest economy. Yet experts believe China’s GDP will overtake America in the late 2030s.

This weekend, outgoing premier Li Keqiang is expected to reveal a new 5 per cent growth target as Beijing seeks to get the country’s roaring economy back on track after COVID disruption.

Yet the “Chinese century” could soon have two meanings – the country’s stratospheric rise, but also its economic implosion.

A dramatically ageing population, the largest property crash in its history, the burden of zero COVID blunders and escalating geopolitical tensions mean China faces a crisis.

“China’s population is expected to peak at 1.4bn in 2024/25 and then it will almost halve by the end of the century,” says Pushpin Singh, of the Centre for Economics and Business Research. “That is a massive shift.”

China’s workforce will come under huge strain as a declining number of working age people are required to support a growing elderly population. A larger share of government spending will also go to health and social care.

But the issue has been exacerbated by China’s one child policy, says Louise Loo, of Oxford Economics. Births have languished even after the policy was scrapped, falling to a record low of 6.77 births per 1,000 people last year. Steve Tsang of the China Institute at SOAS says: “It is easier to limit growth in population by repressive means. It is much more difficult to get people to have more children by the order of the Government.”

“10 years ago, it seemed inevitable that China would dominate the world’s economy. That is no longer the case.”

China also faces permanent scarring from COVID. Beijing’s zero COVID policy, which dragged on for far longer than the rest of the world, cost it 4.7 per cent of GDP, says Loo. The economy has rebounded more quickly than expected since the reopening but the boom years enjoyed are long gone.

Chinese GDP grew by 6 per cent in 2019 pre-pandemic. In 2022, this was 3 per cent.

Oxford Economics has forecast growth of 4.5 per cent this year and believes it will drop to 3 per cent after 2030.

“The Chinese government is trying to pivot to a consumer led, rather than investment led, economy. To do that, they need consumers to spend. It is harder to do that if they are supporting elderly relatives,” says Loo.

Tsang says this will be a critical, but slow burning, problem for China.

A landmark report from a leading think tank is warning of a future dominated by China.

Beijing is ignoring the issue in part because of a more pressing crisis: the country’s spiralling property market.

Since the collapse of Evergrande, the country’s second largest property developer, at the end of 2021, China’s property market has been hit by the biggest downturn since the emergence of the private sector in the 1990s, says Mark Williams, chief Asia economist at Capital Economics. Sales have slumped by more than a third compared to their peak in spring 2021.

Values have so far fallen by 3.5 per cent and are likely to be down 6 per cent from peak at the worst point, says Loo. The numbers sound small, but they are remarkable considering China’s highly interventionist government.

“Developers have been building more and more houses but now the population has peaked and urbanisation has slowed to a crawl,” says Williams.

Demand for housing between 2025 and 2030 will be half what it was in the five years before the pandemic, says Loo. “That is pretty dramatic. The property sector was the key engine of growth in China. It won’t be going forwards,” she says.

A fifth of China’s economy is tied to the property and construction industry, says Williams.

“As that goes away, the difficulty is how to find a different growth driver, because the property boom is over. A lot of developers won’t exist in five years’ time.”

60 per cent of household wealth is in property and the housing downturn therefore has massive repercussions for wealth and spending. Falling house prices are not only a risk to citizens. Local governments have huge amounts of borrowed money tied up in land. The debt across all of China’s local government financing vehicles (LGFVs) has doubled in five years to RMB 50 trillion, says Loo – or £6.05 trillion. “They have contingent liabilities that could explode down the road,” says Loo.

There are two other immediate risks: another high profile property developer goes bust; or escalating geopolitical tensions boil over.

A military invasion of Taiwan would bring an enormous shock. Analysts see a growing risk of Beijing invading.

Fears of potential conflict, combined with the disruption to supply China wrought by zero COVID, mean China is losing its attractiveness to international businesses.

“China is no longer the primary investment destination it once was,” says Colm Rafferty, chairman of the American Chamber of Commerce in the People’s Republic of China.

Rafferty reported that 45 per cent of his members thought China’s investment environment was deteriorating – the highest share in five years. For the first time, less than half of AmCham China’s members ranked China as a top three investment priority.

AmCham China noted a 10 per cent jump in the number of companies leaving or planning to relocate manufacturing and sourcing outside of China.

“A lot of companies are worried about getting caught on the wrong side of sanctions in the future, particularly in the tech sector,” says Williams.

Confronting an ageing population, a slowing economy, a property market implosion and rapidly rising geopolitical risks, many Sino-watchers are rethinking their outlook. “10 years ago, it seemed inevitable that China would dominate the world’s economy,” says Williams. “That is no longer the case.”

Telegraph, London

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/the-chinese-century-is-not-going-to-plan-as-turmoil-looms-20230303-p5cp47.html

Reply Quote

Date: 17/03/2023 21:37:09
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2008352
Subject: re: China Politics

Solving China’s soaring youth unemployment
Public-sector efforts not enough as job offers fall amid economic slump

HUANG HUIZHAO, HAN WENRONG, HU XUEYANG and KELLY WANG, Caixin
March 16, 2023 19:47 JST

“I’ve submitted almost 100 resumes but have gotten zero offers so far,” job seeker Yang Yang said. Despite almost five months of looking for a job and having graduated from the prestigious Chinese University of Hong Kong, she is one of the millions of students entering a fierce job-hunting race this year.

Like Yang, the class of 2023 is entering the job market amid an economic slump following three years of strict COVID control measures and regulatory crackdowns on tech, property and private tutoring industries that are normally eager to hire young talent.

A report from the China Institute for Employment Research and Chinese jobs board Zhaopin showed the ratio between market demand and job applicants was 0.57 for college graduates in the third quarter in 2022, lower than the 1.24 figure in 2021 and 1.38 in 2020. A ratio below 1 indicates fierce competition for jobs and low confidence among job seekers.

In 2022, China recorded an average youth employment rate of 17.5% among urbanites 16 to 24 years old. During the graduation season last July, that number hit 19.9%, indicating that almost 1 out of every 5 young urbanites was jobless, the highest ratio since record-keeping began in 2018.

Among them, the situation for college graduates is even worse, with their unemployment rate estimated at 1.4 times that of youth as a whole, according to a report written by Zhuo Xian, vice department director at the Development Research Center of the State Council.

“The anxiety, disappointment and confusion generated by college students, who are the most energetic group in society, may affect the confidence of the whole society in the prospects for economic development,” Zhuo wrote.

When compared internationally, the average youth unemployment rate in OECD countries in 2022 was around 12.8%. In the U.S., the number was kept below 9% last year, after peaking at 27.4% in April 2020.

To ease domestic joblessness, the central and local governments have been rolling out measures such as state-funded employment programs while encouraging state-owned enterprises to hire fresh graduates.

But against the backdrop of a macroeconomic slump and local financial difficulties, experts say the public-sector effort alone is not enough to absorb the increasingly large number of unemployed college students — the focus should be on how to spur and maintain confidence among private businesses.

The number of college graduates in China has been on the rise following the restoration of college entrance exams in the late 1970s. After a broad university enrollment expansion program started in 1999, it led to an era that saw double-digit growth in the early 2000s. In 2023, a record of 11.58 million students in China are expected to graduate from higher education institutions, a 7.6% increase compared to last year’s estimate. In 2020, the Education Ministry announced that it will increase the intake of graduate program admissions by 189,000. The 20% year-on-year expansion is a much higher rate than the previous average of 5% to 6% growth. And the cohort is due to graduate and enter the job market this year.

The perennial struggle to find employment after graduation is especially dire this year. During the third quarter of 2022, the usual fall hiring season, companies’ demand for fresh college graduates fell 12.2% year-on-year while the number of job applicants soared 91.3%, Zhaopin’s report showed.

According to Lu Feng, professor at Peking University’s National School of Development, the rising number of graduates seeking jobs will have a limited impact on the unemployment rate — at most an increase of 0.5 to 1.0 percentage point in the short term. What is more pressing is the weakening demand that is driving up the youth jobless rate.

Last August, the founder of tech giant Huawei Technologies, Ren Zhengfei, urged the company to immediately cut all unprofitable product lines, predicting a grim future for the world economy amid Russia’s war with Ukraine and the U.S. tech blockade against China.

Other major internet heavyweights, such as TikTok parent company ByteDance and delivery giant Meituan Dianping, cut their graduate hiring head count last fall. In addition, Alibaba Group Holding and Tencent Holdings conducted massive layoffs during the second quarter in 2022 amid Beijing’s sweeping crackdown on the tech sector.

Feng Lijuan, chief HR consultant at job board and recruitment site 51job, told Caixin that around 60% of more than 100 leading companies from various fields that were polled have cut student hiring quotas, adding that “a few are not recruiting anyone at all.”

Students also say they are being offered lower compensation packages. “If you want to negotiate salary with them, their attitude is very firm — ‘This is the best we can offer. If you don’t want it, we will just look for the next candidate,’” bioengineering student Pu Jia said.

Pu was forced to turn to mid- and small-size enterprises after learning that employers on her wish list, like Huawei, were not hiring in 2022. “The choices that I initially considered as safety choices are now the best ones I have.”

On March 5, former Premier Li Keqiang presented a government work report to the National People’s Congress, where he said China will create 12 million urban jobs and made solving the problem of finding employment for college graduates a priority.

Since the pandemic began, the government has been rolling out measures to help absorb the large number of unemployed college graduates. These include expanding graduate program admissions, opening more civil servant positions and offering high salaries to fresh graduates who are willing to work in less-developed regions.

Among these options, the academic route has proved widely popular. During the past three years of the COVID pandemic, a rising percentage of students are taking graduate school exams a second or even third time.

In 2023, a record 4.74 million registered for the graduate program entrance examinations, which is 170,000 more people compared to 2022. More than 60% of the exam takers chose to apply for graduate schools amid pressure to find a job, a 2022 study from education platform China Education Online showed.

According to the State Council’s Zhuo, the pursuit of further qualifications could disadvantage fresh grads from acquiring the necessary industry experience, as exam material is often irrelevant to skills required in the workplace. “Some students have transitioned from being slow to get employed to being lazy or afraid to find work, or even unwilling to be employed,” he added.

Meanwhile, the government is continuing to make more jobs available to fresh graduates, with 25,000 positions especially catering to the fresh graduates offered by the central government, accounting for over 67% of national civil servant positions, a significant increase from 40% in previous years.

However, as local finances have become increasingly strained due to the mounting toll from COVID-related expenses, it is more difficult for such programs to provide a sustained solution to the employment issue. The consensus among the interviewees is that the long-term solution to solving youth unemployment requires the market and private enterprises.

For a long time, the internet, real estate and education sectors were traditionally known to hire fresh graduates in abundance, according to Nie Riming, a researcher at the Shanghai Institute of Finance and Law. But since 2020, a regulatory storm that descended on these industries had prompted mass layoffs and a scaling back of operations.

There are signs that things will change in 2023. In January, the government announced that its more than two-year clampdown on the sprawling internet sector was coming to an end. Former Vice Premier Liu He in December announced that the government was considering more measures to help property developers improve their balance sheets.

Additionally, high-end manufacturing sectors such as new energy, new materials and intelligent manufacturing have shown resilience amid the pandemic. Such industries exhibited 20% growth year-on-year in terms of school hiring numbers and salaries offered for fall 2023, according to Boss Zhipin, one of the leading online recruitment platforms in China.

China’s electric vehicle manufacturer, BYD Co. Ltd., expanded its investment and factory scale in 2022 with government support. Caixin learned that they are looking for more than 30,000 college graduates in several cities, including Shenzhen, Xi’an and Changsha.

However, BYD remains a rare example in the current hiring market, as the gap between industry demands and graduates’ skills remains large. Experts said there needs to be a combination of accurately forecasting industry needs and ensuring that fresh graduates cultivate a broad set of interdisciplinary qualities in order to cope with changing societal demands.

“In the era of economic globalization and digitalization, which is driven by innovation, college graduates often lack skills in areas such as financial literacy, entrepreneurship, computer and digital literacy, foreign language ability and an international mindset, which are demanded by the market,” said a study by Yue Changjun, a professor at Peking University’s Graduate School of Education.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Caixin/Solving-China-s-soaring-youth-unemployment?

Reply Quote

Date: 18/03/2023 02:53:46
From: Kothos
ID: 2008420
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Solving China’s soaring youth unemployment
Public-sector efforts not enough as job offers fall amid economic slump

HUANG HUIZHAO, HAN WENRONG, HU XUEYANG and KELLY WANG, Caixin
March 16, 2023 19:47 JST

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Caixin/Solving-China-s-soaring-youth-unemployment?

The Chinese government hasn’t been the best manager of China’s economy lately, but in a downturn largely caused by external forces there’s not much you can do. This kind of thing is normal.

Reply Quote

Date: 23/03/2023 15:55:47
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2011500
Subject: re: China Politics

Taiwan will be ours, but war with Australia is a phallus waving contest

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/taiwan-will-be-ours-but-war-with-australia-is-a-fallacy-20230322-p5cuaj.html

LOL

Reply Quote

Date: 23/03/2023 16:07:50
From: Kothos
ID: 2011503
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

Taiwan will be ours, but war with Australia is a phallus waving contest

https://www.smh.com.au/world/asia/taiwan-will-be-ours-but-war-with-australia-is-a-fallacy-20230322-p5cuaj.html

LOL

Pretty clear opinion piece.

Reply Quote

Date: 29/03/2023 23:59:06
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2013579
Subject: re: China Politics

‘Havoc and disaster’: Chinese ambassador slams US in letter to NZ MPs

By Latika Bourke
March 29, 2023 — 12.44pm

London: China’s ambassador to New Zealand has penned an angry 36-page letter to Kiwi MPs railing against American democracy on the eve of President Joe Biden’s address to the United States’ democracy summit.

Despite Chinese President Xi Jinping publicly reining in his diplomats and curbing their often hostile approach to diplomacy, Wang Xiaolong has sent an 11,300-word document to numerous MPs saying it was a report on how the US was a failed model of democracy.

Titled One Should Not Impose on Others What Himself Does Not Desire – Some Observations on Democracy, it accuses the US of trying to split the world into two camps of democracies and non-democracies.

The US did this, the letter claims, by issuing annual report cards on human rights conditions around the world and organising the Summit for Democracy, which Biden is due to address on Wednesday. It also follows last week’s visit to Beijing by New Zealand’s Foreign Minister, Nanaia Mahuta.

“As a Chinese saying goes, it’s inappropriate not to reciprocate,” Wang wrote. The ambassador included in his letter a copy of the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s report titled The State of Democracy in the United States: 2022.

The document contains critiques of US foreign policy from around the world, including quoting Belarusian state media. Belarus is a vassal state to Russia and supports Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine, which the Russian leader began just days after striking a no-limits partnership with China’s Xi.

“It reveals not only American democracy in chaos at home but also the havoc and disaster the US has brought by peddling and imposing its democracy around the world,” Wang said of the report.

He claimed there were different styles of democracy and that China’s system of governance was an example of one.

“There is no single model of a democratic political system that is applicable to all,” Wang wrote.

“The way democracy is manifested in a specific country is the result of choices made by its own people on the basis of its own national realities.”

It is one of about 10 letters sent by the Chinese embassy to New Zealand MPs in the past six months and follows recent dispatches about AUKUS and trade.

Simon O’Connor, an opposition MP with the National Party, received the email and said while the embassy was welcome to write what it wanted, it was “a bit rich to say that democracy is held in common”.

“I think the letter will have limited effect and … remind New Zealand’s members of parliament that China is wanting to persist in asserting its view in the Pacific,” he said.

Luke De Pulford, the spokesman for the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China — a cross-party international organisation comprising MPs from 27 legislatures including Australia — said the letter was ultimately counter-productive.

“Say what you want about Beijing’s diplomats, they’re not boring,” De Pulford told The Sydney Morning Herald and The Age.

“Can you imagine an Australian or British ambassador sending Chinese politicians a patronising 40-page screed? The whole thing reads like a high school kid joined a cult and got carried away trying to persuade his friends to join.

“Between the vitriol of the wolf warriors and the unhinged propagandising of these letters, Beijing is giving us a masterclass in bad diplomacy.”

The virtual US-led Summit for Democracy is being co-hosted by Costa Rica, the Netherlands, the Republic of Korea and Zambia and will feature New Zealand Prime Minister Chris Hipkins during a session on advancing technology for democracy.

It will include 120 countries, civil groups and tech companies but some human rights groups have criticised the US for not doing enough to pressure countries on their rights records or show promised improvements, and say that the war in Ukraine has enfeebled the West’s ability to remain strong on the issue.

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken told a virtual panel ahead of the summit that Biden had launched the gathering in his first year in office to examine the future of democracy which was “at an inflection point”.

“Worldwide, we see autocrats violating human rights and suppressing fundamental freedoms and we see authoritarian regimes reaching beyond their borders to coerce free and open societies through increasingly aggressive, revisionist foreign policies.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/havoc-and-disaster-chinese-ambassador-slams-us-in-letter-to-nz-mps-20230329-p5cw3h.html

Reply Quote

Date: 30/03/2023 00:05:43
From: 19 shillings
ID: 2013582
Subject: re: China Politics

the US was a failed model of democracy.

___

Hahaha, fancy china having the gall to say that.

Reply Quote

Date: 30/03/2023 00:11:24
From: party_pants
ID: 2013587
Subject: re: China Politics

19 shillings said:


the US was a failed model of democracy.

___

Hahaha, fancy china having the gall to say that.

Yeah, I was about to say a similar-ish thing myself.

I consider the US to be a flawed democracy rather than failed democracy (language matters), but I regard the PRC to be no kind of democracy at all.

I’m not a great one for biblical quotes, but it is a case of remove the log from your own eye before you worry about the speck in someone else’s.

So, fuck the CCP!

Reply Quote

Date: 30/03/2023 00:59:19
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2013592
Subject: re: China Politics

ah but quite unhypocritically CHINA have been a successful communism

Reply Quote

Date: 30/03/2023 07:38:57
From: buffy
ID: 2013599
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


19 shillings said:

the US was a failed model of democracy.

___

Hahaha, fancy china having the gall to say that.

Yeah, I was about to say a similar-ish thing myself.

I consider the US to be a flawed democracy rather than failed democracy (language matters), but I regard the PRC to be no kind of democracy at all.

I’m not a great one for biblical quotes, but it is a case of remove the log from your own eye before you worry about the speck in someone else’s.

So, fuck the CCP!

I don’t know the full quote that snippet came from, but it doesn’t appear (in the snippet) to be saying China has a non failed democracy. A king of somewhere could comment like that and it is not a pot/kettle/black situation because the king is not claiming to be a democracy.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 08:26:44
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2015087
Subject: re: China Politics

Only 10 per cent of adult women have a job in India, compared with 69 per cent in China.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:38:40
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2015100
Subject: re: China Politics

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:48:00
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2015107
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:50:25
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015112
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

SCIENCE said:

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:53:34
From: Tamb
ID: 2015117
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


SCIENCE said:

SCIENCE said:

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:55:48
From: Woodie
ID: 2015120
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


SCIENCE said:

SCIENCE said:

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

like old fridges and car tyres. Send ‘em into outer space on a balloon. 😊

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:56:40
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015121
Subject: re: China Politics

Tamb said:


roughbarked said:

SCIENCE said:

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 09:59:15
From: Tamb
ID: 2015123
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Tamb said:

roughbarked said:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.


A bit of time maybe but no money.
Breaking up old stuff is good therapy.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:00:31
From: Michael V
ID: 2015126
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


SCIENCE said:

SCIENCE said:

We intercepted no transmissions. This is a consular ship. We’re on a diplomatic mission.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-04/united-states-chinese-spy-balloon-data-analysis/102183630

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Such as?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:00:52
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015127
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


roughbarked said:

SCIENCE said:

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

like old fridges and car tyres. Send ‘em into outer space on a balloon. 😊

A rather fanciful but marvellous idea.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:01:26
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015128
Subject: re: China Politics

Tamb said:


roughbarked said:

Tamb said:

It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.


A bit of time maybe but no money.
Breaking up old stuff is good therapy.

Noy if you have to use angle grinders and stuff.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:01:56
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015129
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:02:07
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015130
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


roughbarked said:

SCIENCE said:

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Such as?

All the things they say on the lid.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:03:34
From: Tamb
ID: 2015134
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Tamb said:

roughbarked said:

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.


A bit of time maybe but no money.
Breaking up old stuff is good therapy.

Noy if you have to use angle grinders and stuff.


Axe & mattock.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:04:31
From: Woodie
ID: 2015135
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Tamb said:

roughbarked said:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:05:21
From: Woodie
ID: 2015137
Subject: re: China Politics

Tamb said:


roughbarked said:

Tamb said:

It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.


A bit of time maybe but no money.
Breaking up old stuff is good therapy.

Particularly if the hammer is very large and very heavy. 😁

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:06:20
From: Woodie
ID: 2015138
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


roughbarked said:

SCIENCE said:

Quick question for the excellent drivers and international law experts on this Forum.

Say we have an inflatable couch, or water bed, something like that. We’re done with it, we have no further use for it, want to dispose of it. We understand that council garbage collections are mostly free but say for the purposes here they come at significant cost. We also want to test the counterintelligence slash military capabilities of our comrades in the next suburb, just for argument’s sake.

So we inflate the furniture with hydrogen and float it up but “accidentally” lose our grip on the securing cable and off it goes. We make our way slowly toward it, expecting that at some point it will settle over somewhere that we can reach over and secure it again, and we will deal with it then. It shades the neighbours’ solar panels causing loss of 5 cents of electrical generation which we’re happy to pay. Our comrade in the next suburb makes a song and dance over all this, well published, gets massive ratings boosts, whatever.

Then they shoot down our furniture.

The question is: do we now have to pay the disposal cost for our furniture, in particular, to clean up the mess they made of it¿

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Such as?

wife???? hehehehehe

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:07:42
From: Tamb
ID: 2015139
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


Tamb said:

roughbarked said:

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.


A bit of time maybe but no money.
Breaking up old stuff is good therapy.

Particularly if the hammer is very large and very heavy. 😁


Oh yes. One with a high splinter factor.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:07:44
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015140
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


:)

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:07:57
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2015141
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


roughbarked said:

Tamb said:

It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

“Disposal fee” I thought what the hell is that for but then I kept reading.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:07:59
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015142
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


roughbarked said:

Tamb said:

It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

You could have negotiated a deal there.

Said, OK, here’s your $44, now you give them back to me, plus another 8 tyres for disposal and you give me $5 per tyre to take them away for you.

You make $16 on the deal, they’re in front $36, and they don’t have to dispose of 12 tyres.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:08:28
From: Cymek
ID: 2015143
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


Michael V said:

roughbarked said:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Such as?

wife???? hehehehehe

roughbarked “Yes your honour she fell on the chainsaw which then proceeded to cut her up into smaller pieces”

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:08:41
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015144
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


roughbarked said:

Tamb said:

It would be cheaper to break the couch into bin sized pieces & dispose of it over a few weeks.

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

inflation at work.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:09:17
From: Cymek
ID: 2015146
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


captain_spalding said:

roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


:)

I remember that on the show and them jumping from the explosion

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:09:24
From: Woodie
ID: 2015147
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


splosions!!!! I like splosions. 😎

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:09:34
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015148
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Woodie said:

roughbarked said:

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

inflation at work.

Inflated with regular air, or nitrogen?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:10:04
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015149
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


roughbarked said:

captain_spalding said:


:)

I remember that on the show and them jumping from the explosion

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:10:14
From: Tamb
ID: 2015150
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Woodie said:

roughbarked said:

That’s generally the the active regime. Costs me time and money to do it though. I believe the responsibility should be on the manufacturers to take stuff bavk for disposal.

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

inflation at work.


Without inflation tyres don’t work properly.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:10:47
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015151
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Woodie said:

Michael V said:

Such as?

wife???? hehehehehe

roughbarked “Yes your honour she fell on the chainsaw which then proceeded to cut her up into smaller pieces”

I did tell the wife that I wanted to be put through the shredder and chucked on the garden but she backed away from that method of disposal.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:11:46
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015155
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


captain_spalding said:

roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


splosions!!!! I like splosions. 😎

We all do. 😎

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:12:14
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015156
Subject: re: China Politics

Tyre man asked me if i wanted the tyres inflated with nitrogen.

I said no thanks, regular air is already about 70% nitrogen, i’ll risk the other gases.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:12:16
From: Tamb
ID: 2015157
Subject: re: China Politics

Woodie said:


captain_spalding said:

roughbarked said:

Just do what the Mythbusters used to do:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.


splosions!!!! I like splosions. 😎


Start with NI3 & work your way up.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:12:26
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015158
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

Woodie said:

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

inflation at work.

Inflated with regular air, or nitrogen?

Political guff.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:13:09
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015160
Subject: re: China Politics

Tamb said:


roughbarked said:

Woodie said:

Put new tyres (4 of them) on The Golden Girl last week. They wanted $11 per tyre “disposal fee” to dispose of the old ones.

inflation at work.


Without inflation tyres don’t work properly.

Oh they may be OK in the mud or sand.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:13:18
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015161
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Woodie said:

captain_spalding said:


splosions!!!! I like splosions. 😎

We all do. 😎

I don’t.

I know how to make them, but i don’t like them.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:14:55
From: Tamb
ID: 2015163
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Tamb said:

roughbarked said:

inflation at work.


Without inflation tyres don’t work properly.

Oh they may be OK in the mud or sand.


Nah. They fall off the rim.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:15:43
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015167
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

Woodie said:

splosions!!!! I like splosions. 😎

We all do. 😎

I don’t.

I know how to make them, but i don’t like them.

They are very useful at breaking things.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:18:29
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015169
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Tyre man asked me if i wanted the tyres inflated with nitrogen.

I said no thanks, regular air is already about 70% nitrogen, i’ll risk the other gases.

:)

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:23:49
From: Cymek
ID: 2015176
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


captain_spalding said:

roughbarked said:

We all do. 😎

I don’t.

I know how to make them, but i don’t like them.

They are very useful at breaking things.

They are cool from a senses stimulation type thing but are generally associated with death and destruction

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:25:32
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015179
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


roughbarked said:

captain_spalding said:

I don’t.

I know how to make them, but i don’t like them.

They are very useful at breaking things.

They are cool from a senses stimulation type thing but are generally associated with death and destruction

I would never apply my knowledge of such things to this end. Unless of course it was me or them.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:25:59
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2015180
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


roughbarked said:

captain_spalding said:

I don’t.

I know how to make them, but i don’t like them.

They are very useful at breaking things.

They are cool from a senses stimulation type thing but are generally associated with death and destruction

And they’re not at all fussy about whose.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:27:38
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015182
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Cymek said:

roughbarked said:

They are very useful at breaking things.

They are cool from a senses stimulation type thing but are generally associated with death and destruction

And they’re not at all fussy about whose.

This is a good reason to stay away from them.

Seen on a bomb disposal expert’s tshirt. If you see me running, do try to keep up.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:28:47
From: Michael V
ID: 2015184
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Michael V said:

roughbarked said:

Stop giving me ideas. I need ways to dispose of stuff they don’t want at the tip.

Such as?

All the things they say on the lid.

I don’t understand what you mean.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:30:18
From: Cymek
ID: 2015186
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


roughbarked said:

Michael V said:

Such as?

All the things they say on the lid.

I don’t understand what you mean.

The lid of the bin I think saying don’t put batteries, acid, cement, etc in the bin

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:34:53
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015187
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


roughbarked said:

Michael V said:

Such as?

All the things they say on the lid.

I don’t understand what you mean.

They do list things on the lid of the bin that they don’t want in the bin.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:36:00
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015188
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Michael V said:

roughbarked said:

All the things they say on the lid.

I don’t understand what you mean.

The lid of the bin I think saying don’t put batteries, acid, cement, etc in the bin

Though your local council should also inform you of where and how to dispose of those things at their facilities.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:47:49
From: Michael V
ID: 2015197
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Michael V said:

roughbarked said:

All the things they say on the lid.

I don’t understand what you mean.

They do list things on the lid of the bin that they don’t want in the bin.

But you can still dispose of them at the tip. Or at least, that has been my experience.

Reply Quote

Date: 4/04/2023 10:54:05
From: roughbarked
ID: 2015199
Subject: re: China Politics

Michael V said:


roughbarked said:

Michael V said:

I don’t understand what you mean.

They do list things on the lid of the bin that they don’t want in the bin.

But you can still dispose of them at the tip. Or at least, that has been my experience.

Yeah. You can but it costs more of the time and the money mentioned.
In my reckoning, the people who manufacture are in the best position to recycle and they should at least take their stuff back for that very reason.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/04/2023 11:41:34
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2016924
Subject: re: China Politics

How Dare They Arrest People And Gaol Them

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-08/nats-chinese-man-sentenced-for-human-trafficking/102202388

Reply Quote

Date: 8/04/2023 14:59:39
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2017008
Subject: re: China Politics

Fuck Huawei, CHINA Spy Balloons, TikTok, CHINA 5G, Drones (made in CHINA), Cameras (made in CHINA), wait

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-08/tesla-workers-shared-sensitive-images-recorded-by-customer-cars/102202382

oh that’s right, Tesla are made in CHINA as well that explains all of this.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/04/2023 07:05:23
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2017540
Subject: re: China Politics

Quick¡ Quick¡ Deflect¡ Accuse¡

The Islamic Republic of Iran Is CHINA’s Fault¡

Reply Quote

Date: 10/04/2023 07:12:59
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2017542
Subject: re: China Politics

Reply Quote

Date: 10/04/2023 20:22:27
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2017850
Subject: re: China Politics

His Holiness often teases people he meets in an innocent and playful way, even in public and before cameras.

Reply Quote

Date: 10/04/2023 20:49:13
From: dv
ID: 2017855
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

His Holiness often teases people he meets in an innocent and playful way, even in public and before cameras.

No I don’t

Reply Quote

Date: 11/04/2023 14:02:18
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2018102
Subject: re: China Politics

Taiwan’s ex-leader’s tour emboldens China, risks backlash at home
Ma Ying-jeou’s pronouncements allow Beijing to say Taiwanese want closer ties

THOMPSON CHAU, Contributing writer
April 11, 2023 11:23 JST

TAIPEI — Former Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou’s 12-day trip to China has laid bare the approaches that the island’s two main political parties take toward Beijing, less than a year ahead of a pivotal presidential election.

Ma, from the opposition Kuomintang (KMT), brought up the Chinese ethnic heritage of Taiwanese people and the argument that Taiwan, under the exiled government of the Republic of China, and Communist-ruled China belong to the same country.

His utterances stand in sharp contrast to incumbent President Tsai Ing-wen and her ruling Democratic Progressive Party, who have been pushing back against Beijing’s increasing aggression toward an island that Communist China claims but has never ruled.

Taiwan’s former president returned to Taipei on Friday, having paid tribute to his ancestors and met provincial-level Chinese Communist Party officials. The tour coincided with Tsai’s trip to Central America and the U.S., where she held a historic meeting with U.S. House Speaker Kevin McCarthy.

While some experts say Ma’s trip has emboldened Beijing to try to undermine Tsai’s government, others say Beijing’s actions — it has carried out three days of military drills around Taiwan — may backfire and spoil the KMT’s electoral chances.

Ma’s and the KMT’s China-friendly policies were resoundingly rejected by the Taiwanese electorate in the past two presidential elections, and polls show most Taiwanese do not identify as Chinese.

“Ma’s trip encourages Beijing to believe that their ‘divide and rule’ approach to Taiwan works,” said Michael Reilly, who was Britain’s de facto ambassador to Taiwan during Ma’s time in office.

Reilly recalled how Ma, after first winning the presidency, was conscious that he was president for all Taiwanese. This was reflected by his appointing an independence-leaning chief to the Mainland Affairs Council.

Now, though, Ma “allows Beijing to think that it can continue to vilify the DPP and refuse to talk to them,” the veteran diplomat told Nikkei Asia. “As long as that is China’s attitude, cross-strait tensions will remain high.”

Born in Hong Kong and earning a Doctorate of Juridical Science at Harvard Law School, Ma was elected Taipei mayor before being president from 2008 to 2016. He and Xi Jinping held the first and only Taiwan-China leaders summit in 2015. A little more than two months later, Tsai was elected Taiwan president by a wide margin.

After Tsai was seated, China cut off communications with Taiwan’s government. Four years later, Tsai and the DPP were reelected in an even bigger landslide.

In defending Ma’s trip to China, KMT spokesman Alfred Lin Chia-hsing said Ma used the terms “Republic of China,” “President” and “President of Taiwan” during his stay.

“May I ask which president or leader of the DPP has the means to talk to the other side face to face ?” Lin asked rhetorically in a social media post, referring to Ma’s meeting with Xin Changxing, China’s top official in Jiangsu Province.

After landing in China, Ma’s words and actions dealt “a series of heavy blows to the DPP’s hollow and wrong cross-strait policy,” Lin said.

Former party leader and current lawmaker Johnny Chiang Chi-chen added: “In his public talks , President Ma repeatedly talked about the Republic of China, and brought up the ROC’s constitution during his lecture to teachers and students at Hunan University.

“Our country revised its constitution before 1997. According to our definition, the country is divided into Taiwan and the mainland, both of which are the Republic of China,” Ma said in the lecture, subsequently changing the term to “China.”

Ma also made other statements. He exalted the ethnic heritage shared by the majority population of China and Taiwan. “People on both sides of the Taiwan Strait are Chinese people,” he said, “and are both descendants of the Yan and Yellow Emperors.”

But his efforts to hark back to his administration’s unpopular China policies might undermine his party’s future, experts and former officials warn.

“Ma represents the KMT old guard, which will find virtually no allies in Washington these days,” said Ivan Kanapathy, former U.S. National Security Council director for China. “More importantly, the KMT will have to avoid Ma’s cross-strait formulations to find purchase more broadly across Taiwan, especially with younger voters.”

Ma’s positions are now so at odds with the Taiwanese public that what he had to say in China is considered irrelevant in terms of current tensions, some analysts say.

The trip had little popular support in Taiwan, said Sana Hashmi, a postdoctoral fellow at the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation, a Taipei-based think tank.

“Even though his office said it’s a personal visit, Ma tried to use the tour to push the narrative that the KMT is the party that could de-escalate China-Taiwan relations,” Hashmi told Nikkei Asia. “But Ma failed to soothe relations between the two countries. China continued to threaten the Taiwanese by sending warplanes, vessels and an aircraft carrier near Taiwan’s waters during and after his visit.”

Instead, Beijing has framed Ma’s activities and support for creating “One China” as proof that the Taiwanese are keen to get closer to their giant neighbor, she concluded.

The economies of Taiwan and China grew closer during Ma’s KMT administration. Ma negotiated a controversial trade agreement with Beijing in 2014 that triggered a massive social backlash known as the Sunflower Movement. The protests marked a turning point in Taiwan and paved the way for the DPP’s electoral landslide two years later.

Upon his return to Taiwan, Ma told reporters, “The 1992 Consensus is alive again!” He was referring to a supposed pact between the then-KMT government and China that says Taiwan and China belong to “One China.” Su Chi, former head of the KMT government’s Mainland Affairs Council, has admitted making up the term in 2000, eight years after the meetings where it supposedly originated.

For Ma’s critics, his “One China” politics are a remnant of strongman Chiang Kai-shek’s era, and disregarded the fact that Taiwan democratized and evolved into a much more distinct and progressive polity than what Chiang imposed on the island.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/International-relations/Taiwan-tensions/Taiwan-s-ex-leader-s-tour-emboldens-China-risks-backlash-at-home?

Reply Quote

Date: 11/04/2023 21:14:06
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2018245
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

party_pants said:

sarahs mum said:

Bubblecar said:

monkey skipper said:

dv said:

SCIENCE said:

His Holiness often teases people he meets in an innocent and playful way, even in public and before cameras.

No I don’t

My guess is the Dalia Llama’s days are numbered after this recent indiscretion.

It was certainly alarming.

I’m not laughing.

what did he do?

https://www.independent.co.uk/asia/india/dalai-lama-tongue-kiss-boy-tibet-b2317664.html

seems a bit odd

Sorry we forgot to add our link, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-10/dalai-lama-apologises-after-video-asks-boy-suck-my-tongue/102206438 but hey

“This is NOT playful banter & so inappropriate to use ‘affectionately plants kiss’ alongside ‘suck my tongue’. Hugs are fine not this. Don’t normalise molestation of kids – don’t care how revered the Dalai Lama is I’m not OK with a child sucking a grown man/woman/anyone’s tongue,” she said.

we mean works for that other broad church doesn’t it.

Reply Quote

Date: 11/04/2023 21:17:53
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2018250
Subject: re: China Politics

Probably deepfaked by the communists.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/04/2023 12:00:56
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2018444
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

captain_spalding said:

ABC News:

‘Taiwanese are rushing to buy patches being worn by their air force pilots that depict a Formosan black bear punching Winnie the Pooh — representing China’s President Xi Jinping — as a defiant symbol of the island’s resistance to Chinese war games.’

Forget the mainalnd Chinese. Taiwan has just acquired a far more powerful enemy.

The Disney Corporation.

Why are the words in English?

The only people in Taiwan who don’t speak English are the ones who are learning to speak English.

So han did shot first, but which han ¿

Reply Quote

Date: 12/04/2023 15:31:20
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2018549
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:

SCIENCE said:

party_pants said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

https://www.independent.co.uk/asia/india/dalai-lama-tongue-kiss-boy-tibet-b2317664.html

seems a bit odd

Sorry we forgot to add our link, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-10/dalai-lama-apologises-after-video-asks-boy-suck-my-tongue/102206438 but hey

“This is NOT playful banter & so inappropriate to use ‘affectionately plants kiss’ alongside ‘suck my tongue’. Hugs are fine not this. Don’t normalise molestation of kids – don’t care how revered the Dalai Lama is I’m not OK with a child sucking a grown man/woman/anyone’s tongue,” she said.

we mean works for that other broad church doesn’t it.


Oh c’m‘on CHINA have repressed these spiritual leaders so much you can’t expect them to be familiar with the customs and norms of western society, they’ve probably never even travelled down below 8888 m.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 17:32:19
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2024516
Subject: re: China Politics

So even we thought the whole denationalsocialistification claim was a bullshit excuse and then

https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4872782

what the fuck¿

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 17:50:10
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2024530
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

So even we thought the whole denationalsocialistification claim was a bullshit excuse and then

https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4872782

what the fuck¿


Hitler has a big fan-base in India, too.

They and some Taiwanese don’t seem to have got as far as reading the bits about his racial-superiority ideas.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 17:53:06
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2024531
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

So even we thought the whole denationalsocialistification claim was a bullshit excuse and then

https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4872782

what the fuck¿


Hitler has a big fan-base in India, too.

They and some Taiwanese don’t seem to have got as far as reading the bits about his racial-superiority ideas.

Indian: “Guy who likes swastikas can’t be all bad!’.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 18:09:51
From: Cymek
ID: 2024540
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

So even we thought the whole denationalsocialistification claim was a bullshit excuse and then

https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4872782

what the fuck¿


Hitler has a big fan-base in India, too.

They and some Taiwanese don’t seem to have got as far as reading the bits about his racial-superiority ideas.

Yeah you have to wonder about pro Hitler/Nazis who are some of the groups of people they would have exterminated

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 18:10:51
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2024542
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

So even we thought the whole denationalsocialistification claim was a bullshit excuse and then

https://www.taiwannews.com.tw/en/news/4872782

what the fuck¿


Hitler has a big fan-base in India, too.

They and some Taiwanese don’t seem to have got as far as reading the bits about his racial-superiority ideas.

Yeah you have to wonder about pro Hitler/Nazis who are some of the groups of people they would have exterminated

Kanye is just eccentric.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/04/2023 18:12:14
From: Cymek
ID: 2024543
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Cymek said:

captain_spalding said:

Hitler has a big fan-base in India, too.

They and some Taiwanese don’t seem to have got as far as reading the bits about his racial-superiority ideas.

Yeah you have to wonder about pro Hitler/Nazis who are some of the groups of people they would have exterminated

Kanye is just eccentric.

He has no problem with gay fish though

Reply Quote

Date: 29/04/2023 14:42:06
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2025152
Subject: re: China Politics

LOL

“If China changes their policy to allow single women to have children, this can result in an increase of IVF demand,” said Yve Lyppens, director of business development for Asia Pacific at INVO Bioscience INVO.O, which is awaiting regulatory approval to launch its IVF technology in China after signing a distribution agreement with Guangzhou-based Onesky Holdings last year.

But yeah guess it’s unlikely to decrease demand right, fuck what do we pay these executives for, this is genius.

Then you have this little gem

Lyppens said most IVF clinics in China operated at full capacity before the COVID-19 pandemic, and are likely to be in a similar situation again soon as the country has lifted virus-related curbs. Chinese hospitals and clinics, both public and private, provide about 1 million rounds of IVF treatment — or cycles — annually, compared with 1.5 million in the rest of the world, according to academic journals and industry experts.

so that sounds a bit disproportionate, either these CHINA breeders are infertile as hell or all those bullshit stories about CHINA communists not wanting to breed are just bullshit ¿

Lin estimates that already around 300,000 babies are born in China via IVF annually — some 3 per cent of newborns.

“I believe a related policy will come out in the near future that can satisfy many people’s desire to have a child,” Lin said. While more Chinese women have postponed or given up on having babies in recent years, many still want to become mothers.

So what’s it, is it demographic disaster from underpopulation, or is it climate catastrophe from overpopulation¿

Reply Quote

Date: 29/04/2023 14:49:50
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2025163
Subject: re: China Politics

While We Celebrate The New Laws That Open Hard Labour Up To Productive Young People, We Also Laugh At CHINA’s Reliance On Child Slave Labour In Colonial Africa Wait

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-04-29/trudeau-accuses-china-of-using-slave-labour-to-produce-lithium/102282690

Reply Quote

Date: 4/05/2023 00:59:07
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2027103
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

While We Celebrate The New Laws

Fuck CHINA¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-05-03/police-arrest-over-100-in-europe-mafia-crime-crackdown/102299792

Wait…

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-05-03/chinas-exit-bans-multiply-xi-jinping-political-control-tightens/102294852

Reply Quote

Date: 5/05/2023 11:57:20
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2027614
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

SCIENCE said:

While We Celebrate The New Laws

Fuck CHINA¡

Wait…

Communism Is Still Inferior To STEMocracy



Reply Quote

Date: 31/05/2023 21:37:18
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2038276
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s effort to cut $10tn of ‘hidden debt’ faces uphill climb
Despite gains in some provinces, few resources on hand for local governments

The Ministry of Finance, pictured, launched a comprehensive survey of local governments’ off-the-books borrowing.

YU HAIRONG, CHENG SIWEI, ZHANG YUZHE and HAN WEI, Caixin
May 23, 2023 13:00 JST

As China’s economic growth gets back on track after three years of the pandemic, efforts to tackle the mountain of so-called hidden debt accumulated by local governments have reemerged as a priority on the agendas of top policymakers.

Fresh concerns have mounted that weakening income growth and rising spending over the past few years may force local authorities to resort to new off-the-book borrowing, while limiting their ability to pay down the debt. These liabilities are estimated by some to be almost $10 trillion, roughly double the gross domestic product of Japan, the world’s third-largest economy.

The urgency to ensure the sustainability of local finances has become more acute after the COVID-19 pandemic, which along with a prolonged property crisis, has squeezed local coffers. These funds are crucial to fueling the economy toward the target of around 5% GDP growth for this year.

Indicative of the challenge this poses, since late 2022, when China abandoned stringent COVID controls, top policymakers have repeatedly vowed to continue efforts to prevent and defuse local government debt risks.

The government’s concern is that any large-scale defaults could have a destabilizing impact on the banking sector and financial system.

In a key December meeting outlining this year’s financial policy agenda, President Xi Jinping pressed provincial governments to guard against risks of hidden debt and take resolute measures to “curb any increases in debt and mitigate existing debt.”

In recent speeches, finance minister Liu Kun has again called for further efforts to control hidden debt risks and transform local government financing vehicles (LGFVs) into market entities, rather than simply operating as borrowing platforms.

“From the debt restructuring tasks assigned at the provincial level, it is evident that more efforts will be needed this year than in previous years,” a person from an LGFV said. Several other LGFV sources told Caixin that any increase in new hidden debts will be “absolutely prohibited while disposal of existing debts must be accelerated.”

China’s State Council in 2018 defined hidden debt as any borrowing that is not part of on-budget government debt, but carries an explicit or implicit guarantee of repayment using fiscal funds from cities or provinces, or is backed by illegal guarantees.

It mainly includes issuing bonds by LGFVs, with state-owned companies set up to finance local government investment such as infrastructure projects, which are key drivers of economic growth including highways and bridges.

Debt is also hidden in public-private partnership projects, shady loan contracts and other channels used by local governments to raise money.

Under pressure to meet growth and investment targets, local authorities use these channels to raise money to pay for infrastructure and public welfare projects that they cannot fund entirely through on-budget spending because of controls on their official debt.

The main holders of LGFV bonds include insurance companies and banks, who are also major lenders to the vehicles.

There is no publicly available official data on the current scale of hidden debt, but some estimates put the number at between 50 trillion yuan and 70 trillion yuan ($7.1 trillion and $9.9 trillion).

Explicit, on-the-books borrowing by local governments, including bonds, was 35 trillion yuan by the end of 2022, according to the International Monetary Fund’s latest Article IV consultation report on China. But implicit debt likely amounted to double that figure at 70.4 trillion yuan, said the IMF.

Domestic ratings company China Chengxin International Credit Rating estimates the hidden debt of local governments was in a range of 52 trillion yuan to 58 trillion yuan at the end of 2022, about 1.5 to 1.7 times the amount of explicit debt.

China has since 2018 launched a campaign to wipe out all local governments’ invisible liabilities. A central government policy document issued that year set out plans to dispose of all hidden local debt — as calculated in July 2017 — in five to 10 years.

However, progress has been slower than expected. Finance Minister Liu stated at the end of last year that after five years of crackdown, hidden debts had only been reduced by one-third compared to the level in 2017.

People close to the ministry said the pace of debt disposal had greatly slowed in 2020 and 2021 due to the pandemic.

Dealing with the pandemic also vacuumed up government funds through spending on virus control measures, while slashing their tax incomes as businesses struggled. The cooling housing market, which dragged down government land sales, further squeezed local finances.

Land sales, the main revenue source for local governments, have continued to slide.
Some localities once again turned to LGFVs to plug financial shortfalls, several analysts specializing in local government debt told Caixin.

Hidden debts of local governments expanded at a faster pace during the pandemic amid monetary easing, reversing a slowdown during the previous years under tough regulations, said Yuan Haixia, deputy director of the research arm of China Chengxin. But recently the growth has slowed again, said Yuan.

Caixin learned that the Ministry of Finance early this year launched a comprehensive survey of local governments’ off-the-books borrowing. The results and purpose of the survey are still unclear.

Limited options

Facing financial strain, local authorities are finding their options for disposing of risky debts increasingly limited. Most of them have relied on debt restructuring to extend maturity and reduce the interest burden to seek short-term relief, while others are attempting to cut funding costs by various means.

In its quarterly report, the National Institution for Finance & Development (NIFD) said the extent to which local governments have disposed of their debt varies significantly based on their financial status and the strength of the local economy.

Regions with weaker overall economic and financial capacity are likely to seek short-term remedies with long-term costs, said the NIFD.

A fundamental solution would be to transform the LGFVs into market entities that no longer have to shoulder government financing responsibilities, according to experts.

The 2018 policy document pledged that the central government would issue guidelines for LGFV reform. However, they are yet to materialize with the task of drafting them passed around among multiple ministries over the intervening years, sources with knowledge of the reform plan told Caixin.

The task is now led by the finance department under the ministry of the same name and is expected to be accelerated, they said.

Plugging the loopholes

Bond sales and access to bank loans have been the main targets for regulators seeking to rein in LGFVs’ borrowing over the past few years. This year, regulators have moved to plug regulatory loopholes and taken aim at more specific financing practices that have allowed these entities to bypass oversight.

In January and April, securities regulators strengthened rules on the practice of structured bond issuances by limiting the exposure of private funds to the debt instrument and enacting harsher penalties for violations.

For years, some private fund managers have facilitated this practice, wherein an issuer with a lower credit rating purchases a portion of its own bond offering or has a third party make the purchase, artificially inflating the size of the issuance in an attempt to attract more genuine buyers.

Many LGFVs that are financially weak have relied on structured bond sales to get financing, and the new regulations will significantly affect their access to the bond market, according to a bond manager who spoke to Caixin.

LGFV structured bond sales may have reached 2.1 trillion yuan as of January 31, according to estimates by Founder Securities. Less developed regions, including Qinghai, Heilongjiang, Guizhou and Guangxi, may have over 25% of their LGFV bonds involved in such practices, according to Founder Securities.

In March, an urban investment company in Siping, Jilin province, became the first LGFV to be punished by regulators for engaging in structured bond sales. Four financial institutions involved in the bond issuance also received warnings and rectification orders.

In April, China announced a plan to transfer the regulatory authority of enterprise bonds, which are primarily corporate bonds issued by state-owned companies, from the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC) to the China Securities Regulatory Commission (CSRC) in six months.

This move represented a significant step toward consolidating the fragmented oversight of the country’s bond market, which currently is supervised by three different entities — the NDRC, CSRC and People’s Bank of China.

The regulatory revamp will also put LGFVs’ bond financing under closer scrutiny, said Qin Han, an analyst at Guotai Junan Securities.

Challenging task

Observers were given a better idea of the pace of debt disposal by local governments when they published their annual budget reports earlier this year. These revealed that in 2022, Beijing and Guangdong had declared success in resolving all hidden debts, while Ningxia and Guangxi said they had cleared 50% of off-the-book liabilities by the end of the same year.

Despite the progress, local authorities have felt a growing pinch when dealing with risky debts since the pandemic, as the slowing economy slashed local revenue while spending continues to rise.

Although governments’ fiscal incomes have started to see a revival this year as the economy has reopened, the pace has been moderate, rising just 4% in the first four months. Meanwhile, land sales, the main revenue source for local governments, have continued to slide.

A recent survey of government officials and LGFV managers by Fitch Ratings found pessimism on the outlook for government finances this year was rife, said Sun Hao, a senior China-based executive of the company.

There are fewer resources for authorities to tap to prevent immediate debt risks and the task will become increasingly challenging, according to a local debt expert who spoke to Caixin.

Debt disposals will still mainly rely on local governments using their own funds and seeking new financing, said Sun. Some regions with significant debt pressures may not be able to resolve their debts on schedule, and there is the possibility that the timeline for debt resolution may be further extended, he said.

No LGFV has failed to repay a bond so far, although there have been defaults on non-standard debt, which usually refers to debt that isn’t traded on the interbank market or stock exchanges such as trust loans, bank acceptance bills and accounts receivable.

Small cities where government borrowing has exceeded their ability to repay them are particularly at risk. For instance, in Weifang, Shandong province, 12 defaults related to LGFVs’ non-standard debts have been flagged so far this year, according to Guosheng Securities.

As of May 5, Weifang had outstanding LGFV debts of 114.8 billion yuan and most will mature in the next two years, according to Guosheng.

“The proper handling of the recently maturing debts will be the key to resolving the debt risks in Weifang,” said the brokerage in a May research note.

The Weifang city government and provincial authorities have held meetings with investors and financial institutions in an attempt to defuse market fears, pledging efforts to ensure repayments.

While the meetings are important first steps to restore confidence, it is more important to make concrete moves to improve the fundamentals and repayment capabilities of the LGFVs, said Yang Yewei, senior analyst at Guosheng.

Seeking remedies

Some local authorities are exploring ways to extend maturity or reduce financing costs to temporarily relieve their debt pressures.

In one of the most high-profile cases, Zunyi Road and Bridge Construction (Group), a financing vehicle in southwest Guizhou province, announced in December a debt restructuring agreement with financial institutions.

It involved delaying repayment on 15.6 billion yuan in borrowings by changing the term on all the loans to 20 years, and only paying interest on the loans for the next 10 years.

The eastern province of Jiangsu has required local financial regulators to guide financial institutions to restructure and swap LGFV debts with high costs and short maturity. Several cities in Jiangsu have actively responded to the order.

Nantong in Jiangsu set a target in early 2022 to dispose of all hidden debts with high financing costs through debt restructuring and swaps by the end of the year and bring down the average interest rate of LGFV debts to below 5%.

As more localities have stepped up similar efforts, a Jiangsu official warned that reducing financing costs for debt relief is a complicated task requiring a series of supportive policies such as those to ensure liquidity. It should follow the market rules, rather than administrative orders, said the official.

Lowering the interest burdens is also a test of financial institutions’ willingness and capabilities.

According to China Chengxin, commercial banks are capable of absorbing less than 20% of the implicit debts while meeting current capital requirements. During the process, the institutions will also face a series of issues such as declining profits and deterioration of asset quality, such as capital adequacy and bad asset ratios.

Fundamental cure

Amid revived fears of debt risks, some experts have called on the central government to step in.

China should consider transferring parts of the liabilities to the central government through a sweeping debt restructuring program similar to the one in 1994 to help state-owned banks dispose of risky loans, said Li Daokui, a professor at the School of Economics and Management at Tsinghua University, at a forum in early May.

Under that program, four asset management companies were set up to take over the bad assets to help local governments ease their debt burden.

But top authorities have repeatedly made it clear that local governments are responsible for their own debts and that the central government will not come to their rescue.

Fitch’s Sun said there is little chance that the central government will step in and instead, some tailored policies to support risky regions can be expected.

To fundamentally eliminate the impulse of local governments to borrow, it is necessary to streamline the fiscal relationship between the central and local governments, and make local authorities responsible for working within the limits of their finance capabilities, said a person close to the finance ministry.

It is also important to transform the governments’ functions and the mode of economic development to reduce economic growth’s reliance on investment, said the person.

Experts have agreed that the more effective solution to defuse local hidden debt risks is through reform of LGFVs.

Sun said there are signs that such entities are accelerating the pace of their transformation. Urban investment companies, a main part of LGFVs, are diversifying in three directions: becoming urban service providers, real estate developers or industrial investors, depending on their business focus, said Sun.

Since late 2022, an increasing number of local governments’ urban investment vehicles have announced their decision to no longer undertake government financing functions. In the first two months this year, 56 such companies have made similar statements.

But whether these entities can truly sever their ties with the government remains to be seen, as many of them are still backed by state investors and doing business for local infrastructure projects, according to an NIFD report.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Caixin/China-s-effort-to-cut-10tn-of-hidden-debt-faces-uphill-climb

Reply Quote

Date: 31/05/2023 21:47:50
From: party_pants
ID: 2038277
Subject: re: China Politics

Been following the situation there for the last few weeks/months. It is starting to look a bit grim.

The iron ore price is probably going to crash.

Wonderring if it made a difference to the timing of McGowan’s retirement form politics. They say every $1 rise or fall in the iron ore price over a year means $80 million difference to the state budget.

Reply Quote

Date: 14/06/2023 21:01:14
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2043363
Subject: re: China Politics

Xi Jinping revered his father. So why isn’t he more like him?
By Jerome A. Cohen
June 13, 2023 at 6:30 a.m. EDT

Jerome A. Cohen, an adjunct senior fellow for Asia at the Council on Foreign Relations, is founder and retired faculty director of NYU’s U.S.-Asia Law Institute.

Despite President Xi Jinping’s efforts to expel supposedly pernicious Western influences from his country, the People’s Republic of China, like much of the world, will celebrate Father’s Day on June 18. Many Chinese recognize that the holiday is a bourgeois commercial import designed to enhance gift-giving and the hum of merchant cash registers. Yet, the Western-style Father’s Day (along with Mother’s Day) has long been a Chinese family favorite, even among many Communist Party members.

Indeed, given the party’s surprising resurrection of traditional Confucian philosophy a couple of decades ago, there has probably been increasing social support for Father’s Day in China. Filial piety, especially the principle of obeying and honoring one’s father, is a central tenet of Confucianism. During the past decade of his unchallenged rule, to bolster the spirit of Chinese nationalism, Xi Jinping has frequently endorsed Confucianism despite its feudal origins and has rendered many tributes to his father, the veteran first-generation Communist leader Xi Zhongxun.

Xi’s father had run afoul of Chinese Communist Party Chairman Mao Zedong in 1962 and been subjected to 16 years of harsh internal exile before being allowed to return to a prominent position in the party leadership after Mao’s 1976 death ended the Cultural Revolution. Xi Jinping has occasionally dropped hints that his father might deserve a place in Communist history equal to Deng Xiaoping’s.

Xi Zhongxun was indeed broadly respected among the post-Mao elite, not only because of the many years of political suffering to which he had been unfairly subjected, but also because of the wisdom he brought back from exile. His most important contribution was the emphasis he placed on freedom of speech. The party leadership must allow “differences of opinion,” he repeatedly preached, if the party hoped to achieve its goals. People should be encouraged to think, speak out and act, and the party should respect their views and criticisms, he maintained. His words offered strong support for many of the exciting liberal political, economic and social reforms that struggled for recognition from 1978-1988.

These were not mere platitudes, as Xi Zhongxun’s actions often showed. While leading Guangdong Province in 1978 before his return to Beijing, he publicly commended a local prosecutor who had been bold enough to criticize him, and urged all officials to study the prosecutor’s example. He worked to overturn the criminal convictions of many Cultural Revolution victims who had been prosecuted for expressing their political opinions.

He helped secure the release from prison of three lawyers who had been detained for four years because of their vigorous legal defense of a defendant charged with rape. He promoted enactment of the People Republic of China’s first administrative litigation law to make it possible for people to challenge official conduct in court.

And he warmly invited Western multinational companies to invest in the innovative special economic zones that he and Deng Xiaoping established in Guangdong and neighboring areas. To make this happen, he helped establish attractive conditions to assure foreign companies that they would not be subject to unpredictable and arbitrary interference by a party too often dominated by officials more concerned about security than development.

Yet, Xi Zhongxun’s wisdom and his admirable record are precisely what his son has refused to emulate. Xi Jinping has ruthlessly suppressed the slightest dissent or disagreement among the party elite as well as the masses, and he has crushed the human rights lawyers so essential to the protection of free expression. He has also cracked down on both foreign and domestic business enterprises in ways that obviously impair the nation’s development in favor of security.

Why has he contradicted his father’s ideals and practice? Given his family background and his own behavior as a local and provincial party chief, his Stalinist, centralizing, repressive exercise of national power has surprised those who supported his designation as China’s party chief, president and military commander.

What factors might explain this dramatic shift in values? Was it a perceived need to replace the policies and methods of the preceding Hu Jintao regime, which was widely criticized within China for its lack of unified leadership and its failure to stamp out corruption? Were there also complex personal factors involved, such as a determination to steer clear of implementing his parent’s ideals to avoid a similar fate?

We might never know the answers to these questions, and no one in contemporary China is likely to dare discuss this obvious paradox in public. But perhaps, in the privacy of his home and his heart, Xi Jinping himself contemplates them, as he remembers his father on Father’s Day.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/06/13/xi-jinping-father-china-fathers-day/?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/07/2023 10:26:43
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2050188
Subject: re: China Politics

Why China is so keen to salvage shipwrecks in the South China Sea
The discoveries, it hopes, will enhance its dubious territorial claims

The contents of a. shipwreck in the South China Sea.

Jun 29th 2023 | BEIJING

Deep under the South China Sea, below the reach of sunlight, lies treasure. Last year Chinese researchers found two rotting shipwrecks some 1,500 metres down and 20km apart. One contains thousands of porcelain cups and vases, their bright blue-and-white glazes half-covered in silt. The other holds timber. The two wrecks offer a glimpse of global trade during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), when porcelain fired in the imperial kilns of southern China was shipped to buyers as far away as Europe. The timber was probably headed in the other direction, perhaps towards Chinese shipyards. The discoveries are of interest, however, not just to scholars.

Officials in Beijing say the wrecks “confirm historical facts that Chinese ancestors developed, used and travelled to and from the South China Sea”. That may not sound like a geopolitical statement, but such claims are the soft side of China’s push to control nearly the entire body of water. Larger than the Mediterranean, the sea is still a crucial trade route and home to valuable fish stocks and energy reserves. Seven countries have claims to part of it. But China’s is by far the most expansive. Its maps feature a “nine-dash line” that stretches over 700 nautical miles from its coastline. China asserts sovereignty over the vast area within (see map).

Much of this task falls to China’s navy and coastguard, which have long tried to bully its maritime neighbours. But Chinese officials are also compiling a (rather dubious) historical case. They point to ancient Chinese maps and texts that refer to southern seas. The wrecks add another layer to their argument. By China’s logic, the remains of old Chinese ships mark territory which the country once controlled—and, therefore, which it still should.

There is plenty for salvagers to find in the South China Sea. A portion of it, near the Spratly Islands, is called Dangerous Ground due to its poorly charted rocks, reefs and shoals. Dreams of sunken riches have lured commercial treasure-hunters. One called Mike Hatcher, a Briton, led an expedition in 1985 that found the wreck of the Geldermalsen, an 18th-century Dutch East India Company ship that was carrying Chinese porcelain and gold. The “Nanking cargo”, as it became known, raised more than $20m at auction in Amsterdam.

Two Chinese porcelain experts were sent to the auction to buy some of the items, which China considered its property. But, with only $30,000 at their disposal, they walked away empty-handed. A year later China’s national museum created an underwater-archaeology centre and the state began investing heavily in the field.

Today China dominates the wreck-finding business. Near the Paracel Islands, which are also claimed by Vietnam, Chinese researchers have found at least ten wrecks—proof, they say, that China had “continuously managed” the area for centuries. Conveniently, the Chinese seem to find only their own wrecks in waters they claim. They don’t collaborate with foreign archaeologists and are intolerant of other expeditions. In 2012 a Chinese ship chased away one led by a French archaeologist working with the National Museum of the Philippines near the Scarborough Shoal. The territory is claimed by China, Taiwan and the Philippines. China accused the expedition of trying to destroy evidence that the area had been discovered by China.

For years China’s archaeologists stayed in shallow, sunlit waters, where wrecks are easier to spot and scuba divers can help with excavations. Since 2018, though, they have also been looking in the deep sea (anywhere below 200 metres), where less light and increasing pressure mean better technology is needed. Sonar pulses are used to probe the sea floor. Submarines inspect promising sites. The Ming-era discoveries are indicative of China’s ability to reach down deeper.

China’s advances in underwater archaeology have been impressive. In 2007 it lifted an 800-year-old ship called the Nanhai One (originally discovered by a British team in 1987) out of the sea and into a custom-made saltwater tank on land. The research submarine that discovered the Ming-era wrecks, called the Shenhai Yongshi (or Deep Sea Warrior), holds three people and can withstand the pressure at depths of up to 4,500 metres. It has two robotic arms that can pick up delicate artefacts, as well as a cluster of cameras that allow researchers to create digital models of wrecks. Its manufacturer, the state-owned China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation (csic), boasts that 95% of the sub’s components were made in China.

The crewed submersible Shenhai Yongshi resurfaces in the South China Sea
It is no coincidence that csic also makes warships. Much of what China is doing in the field of underwater archaeology has military and strategic uses. Exhaustive surveys of the South China Sea help China’s navy navigate the waters. Vessels that rely on sonar, such as naval submarines, use information collected about the sea’s temperature, currents, saltiness and the seabed, says Brent Sadler, an American former naval officer now at the Heritage Foundation, a think-tank in America. In 2021 an American nuclear-powered submarine crashed into an undersea ridge in the South China Sea.

Deep-sea expertise also helps China bring other treasures to the surface. The Shenhai Yongshi has aided efforts to tap large oil and gas fields in the South China Sea. And it has been used to prospect for valuable minerals—such as cobalt, copper, manganese and nickel—in the seabed. That helps explain why China wants to control the body of water—and why it forcibly obstructs the efforts of other countries to fish and explore for hydrocarbons and minerals. China has ignored a ruling from 2016 by a tribunal at The Hague that struck down most of its territorial claims.

Yet China’s historical case is as brittle as salvaged porcelain, say experts. Just because a ship was carrying cargo to or from China, that hardly means it was marking territory under Chinese rule. The nine-dash line seems to have emerged in the 1940s—it would have made little sense to Ming emperors, let alone traders. Many of the thousands of ships lying beneath the South China Sea are not even Chinese. Some were owned by individuals and private firms, says Tansen Sen of New York University Shanghai. Their crews might have hailed from across the Indian Ocean and spoken Arabic, Persian or Malay.

In other words, the South China Sea has a rich, multicultural history. China is best equipped to explore it. No one in the region can match its capability to find and excavate ships in the deep sea. “From a scholarly point of view, they are doing something that’s very important, because others can’t do it right,” says Mr Sen. But the country most able to reveal the sea’s fascinating past is also the one most likely to misrepresent it

https://www.economist.com/china/2023/06/29/why-china-is-so-keen-to-salvage-shipwrecks-in-the-south-china-sea?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/07/2023 10:30:30
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2050189
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Why China is so keen to salvage shipwrecks in the South China Sea
The discoveries, it hopes, will enhance its dubious territorial claims

The contents of a. shipwreck in the South China Sea.

Jun 29th 2023 | BEIJING

Deep under the South China Sea, below the reach of sunlight, lies treasure. Last year Chinese researchers found two rotting shipwrecks some 1,500 metres down and 20km apart. One contains thousands of porcelain cups and vases, their bright blue-and-white glazes half-covered in silt. The other holds timber. The two wrecks offer a glimpse of global trade during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), when porcelain fired in the imperial kilns of southern China was shipped to buyers as far away as Europe. The timber was probably headed in the other direction, perhaps towards Chinese shipyards. The discoveries are of interest, however, not just to scholars.

Officials in Beijing say the wrecks “confirm historical facts that Chinese ancestors developed, used and travelled to and from the South China Sea”. That may not sound like a geopolitical statement, but such claims are the soft side of China’s push to control nearly the entire body of water. Larger than the Mediterranean, the sea is still a crucial trade route and home to valuable fish stocks and energy reserves. Seven countries have claims to part of it. But China’s is by far the most expansive. Its maps feature a “nine-dash line” that stretches over 700 nautical miles from its coastline. China asserts sovereignty over the vast area within (see map).

https://www.economist.com/china/2023/06/29/why-china-is-so-keen-to-salvage-shipwrecks-in-the-south-china-sea?

We’d better hope that no-one discovers any wrecks with cargoes of porcelain in Australian waters.

I, for one, am not sure how i’d handle the shock of discovering, at my age, that i’m reallyChinese.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 08:19:46
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2052982
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 08:26:03
From: roughbarked
ID: 2052983
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

Well it is our fault for relying upon China.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:34:56
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2052987
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:

Well it is our fault for relying upon China.

Remember when Japan was our largest trading partner?

And everyone trembled at the thought of problems with the Japanese economy. If Japan sneezed, we suspected strongly that we were developing a cold.

The point is, ‘largest trading partners’ can be replaced. To quote General “Buck” Turgidson “…I’m not saying we wouldn’t get our hair mussed”, but it’s not like we’d just sink beneath the waves, either.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:36:37
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2052988
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:38:02
From: roughbarked
ID: 2052989
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


roughbarked said:

Well it is our fault for relying upon China.

Remember when Japan was our largest trading partner?

And everyone trembled at the thought of problems with the Japanese economy. If Japan sneezed, we suspected strongly that we were developing a cold.

The point is, ‘largest trading partners’ can be replaced. To quote General “Buck” Turgidson “…I’m not saying we wouldn’t get our hair mussed”, but it’s not like we’d just sink beneath the waves, either.

:)

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:38:29
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2052990
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

“Oh, but,” they wail, “then labour costs would rise, and you know what happens when poor people get their hands on money: the gap between rich and poor narrows a bit!”

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:38:44
From: roughbarked
ID: 2052991
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

Ye. Same here. It is the econoomists that have farked the world.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:39:42
From: roughbarked
ID: 2052992
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

“Oh, but,” they wail, “then labour costs would rise, and you know what happens when poor people get their hands on money: the gap between rich and poor narrows a bit!”

Oh, really? Maybe they should pay economists what they are really worth. Which less than the paper it is written on.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:43:48
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2052993
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


captain_spalding said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

“Oh, but,” they wail, “then labour costs would rise, and you know what happens when poor people get their hands on money: the gap between rich and poor narrows a bit!”

Oh, really? Maybe they should pay economists what they are really worth. Which less than the paper it is written on.

Not all economists are fools. John K. Galbraith was not, and if you want to read some economics that makes understandable sense, i recommend his writings.

Economists are very good at explaining what happened, and at telling us what they think should have happened, and even why those things did or did not happen.

It’s what’s going to happen, and what to do about it, that’s their weak area.

Not all economists are fools. Not all fools are economists. But, there’s a significant overlap in the Venn diagram.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 09:50:54
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2052994
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

No economist thinks that. As Bartholomeusz states a stable or falling population simply needs structural changes.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:11:23
From: dv
ID: 2052998
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

If you have an economic model that only works if you assume population growth then what you have is a slow-rollingn demographic Ponzi scheme.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:23:29
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2053007
Subject: re: China Politics

dv said:

If you have an economic model that only works if you assume population growth then what you have is a slow-rollingn demographic Ponzi scheme.

Ooh, i writing that one down…

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:35:01
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2053022
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


dv said:

If you have an economic model that only works if you assume population growth then what you have is a slow-rollingn demographic Ponzi scheme.

Ooh, i writing that one down…

But who needs a slow-rolling Ponzi scheme when you have Bitcoin?

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:39:46
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2053023
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

China’s mistakes could cost Australia dearly

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
July 11, 2023 — 11.59am

China’s economic authorities have a problem. They are confronted with the threat of deflation and the prospect of “Japanification”, or the decades of economic stagnation from which Japan is only just emerging.

This week’s inflation data showed consumer price inflation at zero last month and factory gate prices falling 5.4 per cent (year-on-year), their ninth successive monthly decline.

Apart from a brief moment of deflation in early 2021, when pork prices were tumbling, it’s the first time since the 2008 financial crisis that China has experienced deflation.

This time, the challenges the economy is confronting owe more to domestic developments and structural issues than they do to external settings, although the weakening global growth environment isn’t helping.

The core of the problem, and a factor that complicates efforts to respond to it, is debt. China has too much of it.

The central government isn’t the culprit, rather it is local governments, businesses and households that have driven China’s debt-to-GDP ratio up to about 280 per cent of GDP. The world’s developed economies have an average debt-to-GDP ratio of about 256 per cent.

Local governments account for about 30 per cent of China’s GDP and their financing vehicles another 40 to 50 per cent, according to Fitch Ratings. They’re massively overleveraged and short of income because they are reliant on property sales to developers for much of their revenue.

Xi Jinping’s crackdown on property developers in 2020 – the “three red lines” policy that restricts their leverage – not only decimated the sector but shut down local governments’ main source of income. Their response, often using their financing vehicles to replace the developers as buyers of the land, has compounded the problem.

Despite efforts by Beijing to relieve the stresses on both local governments and the better-managed developers with concessional funding and, for both groups, loan repayment holidays, the construction sector that has accounted for about 30 per cent of China’s growth in the past remains depressed, and local government finances increasingly stressed.

Households and businesses, after the pandemic lockdowns and two years of the draconian “zero COVID” policies that were only lifted late last year, have, after a modest and short-lived bounce that created expectations of a big, consumer-led rebound in China’s growth, retreated to the sidelines.

Household wealth is concentrated in property, so the trauma in the property sector and the experience of households that invested in deposits for uncompleted or yet-to-be-built apartments has had a chilling effect on spending. In a system with little in the way of social safety nets, consumers are more focused on debt reduction than on consumption.

Urban youth unemployment of more than 20 per cent and a slowing of the rural-to-urban drift that has been a major influence on China’s economic growth in recent decades might also be contributing factors.

Businesses, particularly those in the private sector, are scarred by their pandemic experiences and confronted with weak demand. There appears to be significant over-capacity within China’s economy. Price-cutting by retailers to try to stimulate demand is also squeezing margins.

The authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

The crackdown by Beijing on private businesses – the torrid couple of years experienced by the tech entrepreneurs in particular, but, more broadly, the rebalancing of policy away from the private sector towards state-owned enterprises under the banner of “common prosperity” under Xi – has injected significant uncertainty into the private sector, which provides the overwhelming majority of urban jobs.

The slowing of the global economy and the restructuring of global supply chains in the wake of the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the continuing increases in tensions between China and the US is impacting external demand for China’s manufactured goods, which is showing up in weaker exports.

Foreign investment has also been weakening, with the massive losses experienced by foreign lenders to the property sector, the weakening of China’s growth rate, the restrictions imposed by the US and its allies on high-tech exports to China, China’s raids on foreign consultancies and its shutting down of access to economic and business data all possible strands to the explanation.

The authorities have made some cautious and half-hearted efforts to ignite some growth.

The People’s Bank of China has been edging down its policy rates and encouraging banks to lend more at lower cost to mortgage borrowers. There have been other measures directed at the property sector and related areas like home decor and white goods. There’s been talk about incentives for purchases of electric vehicles and other very targeted measures.

What we’re not seeing is any signs of the kind of major stimulus program Beijing executed in response to the 2008 financial crisis, when it countered the global economic recession with a $US586 billion ($890 billion at the time) infrastructure-centred spending spree.

That’s because while the stimulus did result in double-digit economic growth rates, it left a legacy of ghost cities and other waste on a grand scale.

That experience and the uncomfortable levels of unproductive debt within the economy have deterred the authorities from large-scale stimulus programs ever since.

There is an expectation that there will be some stimulus, probably after the next quarterly meeting of the Politburo late this month, where the country’s first-half economic performance will be reviewed.

More efforts to generate some growth in the property sector and measures to stimulate consumer demand are expected, although large-scale cash handouts or tax cuts for households and businesses are unlikely, given that the recipients would be more likely to save the extra cash or use it to pay down debt than spend it.

Nevertheless, the authorities will be very mindful of the Japanese experience, where the interaction between a property boom and debt, when the bubble finally burst, led to three decades of economic winter.

With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.

It is, of course, in everyone’s interests, but particularly Australia’s, that our largest trading partner is able to devise a response that enables it to avoid a downward spiral into persistent deflation and can achieve its modest (by China’s standards) targeted GDP growth rate of 5 per cent this year and help the rest of the world avoid, or at least moderate, a global recession.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/australia-could-pay-dearly-for-china-s-mistakes-20230711-p5dn9o.html

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

No economist thinks that. As Bartholomeusz states a stable or falling population simply needs structural changes.

To be honest, I have no idea what economists think, I probably should have said business journalists.

I have no idea what they think either, but I was writing of what they write.

So for example in the piece above, yes he mentions “structural changes”, but those changes are with the firm requirement that everlasting GDP growth must be no less than 5%, without even the mention of “per head”.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:41:58
From: dv
ID: 2053024
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


captain_spalding said:

dv said:

If you have an economic model that only works if you assume population growth then what you have is a slow-rollingn demographic Ponzi scheme.

Ooh, i writing that one down…

But who needs a slow-rolling Ponzi scheme when you have Bitcoin?

You young people have no patience

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:45:25
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2053027
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


captain_spalding said:

dv said:

If you have an economic model that only works if you assume population growth then what you have is a slow-rollingn demographic Ponzi scheme.

Ooh, i writing that one down…

But who needs a slow-rolling Ponzi scheme when you have Bitcoin?

You guys are on fire.

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 10:52:34
From: Cymek
ID: 2053032
Subject: re: China Politics

Peak Warming Man said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

captain_spalding said:

Ooh, i writing that one down…

But who needs a slow-rolling Ponzi scheme when you have Bitcoin?

You guys are on fire.

I harken for the days Ponzi was just a simple leather clad ex hoodlum

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 11:43:14
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2053051
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

It really irritates me that economists still talk as though a stable or slowly falling population is a huge problem that can only be avoided by reverting to population growth, rather than something that every country in the world needs to be aiming for.

No economist thinks that. As Bartholomeusz states a stable or falling population simply needs structural changes.

To be honest, I have no idea what economists think, I probably should have said business journalists.

I have no idea what they think either, but I was writing of what they write.

So for example in the piece above, yes he mentions “structural changes”, but those changes are with the firm requirement that everlasting GDP growth must be no less than 5%, without even the mention of “per head”.

Where does that imply that a rising population is necessary for economic growth?

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 11:57:24
From: The Rev Dodgson
ID: 2053065
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


The Rev Dodgson said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

No economist thinks that. As Bartholomeusz states a stable or falling population simply needs structural changes.

To be honest, I have no idea what economists think, I probably should have said business journalists.

I have no idea what they think either, but I was writing of what they write.

So for example in the piece above, yes he mentions “structural changes”, but those changes are with the firm requirement that everlasting GDP growth must be no less than 5%, without even the mention of “per head”.

Where does that imply that a rising population is necessary for economic growth?

For instance:

“With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.”

Reply Quote

Date: 12/07/2023 12:04:46
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2053070
Subject: re: China Politics

The Rev Dodgson said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

The Rev Dodgson said:

To be honest, I have no idea what economists think, I probably should have said business journalists.

I have no idea what they think either, but I was writing of what they write.

So for example in the piece above, yes he mentions “structural changes”, but those changes are with the firm requirement that everlasting GDP growth must be no less than 5%, without even the mention of “per head”.

Where does that imply that a rising population is necessary for economic growth?

For instance:

“With a population that is now shrinking and ageing, their considerations won’t just be about short-term relief – structural changes will be needed if China is to avoid being trapped in a low-growth, middle-income economic trap, dashing Xi’s ambitions of toppling the US as the dominant global power, and raising the risk of civil unrest.”

Yes structural changes. No implication by Bartholomeusz that real GDP by head can’t grow with a falling population. I think you’re forgetting that China has 500m people earning less than $5,000 USD a year so 5% growth rates are not remarkable as China develops over the next couple of decades.

Reply Quote

Date: 26/07/2023 00:24:14
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2058048
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s foreign minister sacked after disappearing for a month

By Eryk Bagshaw
July 25, 2023 — 10.20pm

China’s Foreign Minister Qin Gang has been sacked, putting an end to weeks of speculation over his future after rumours of a high-profile affair and a power struggle within the top ranks of the Chinese Communist Party.

Qin will be replaced by his predecessor Wang Yi, who could now take on two roles as Foreign Minister and Director of the Office of the Foreign Affairs Commission.

Chinese state media reported President Xi Jinping “signed a presidential order to effectuate the decision” on Tuesday night after the National People’s Congress voted to remove Qin and the governor of the People’s Bank of China, Yi Gang, from their posts.

The emergency session was called on Monday. There was less than a day’s notice for China’s top legislature to review a draft criminal law amendment and the “decision on official appointment and removal”.

Qin was last seen on June 25 when he met with foreign ministers from Russia, Vietnam and Sri Lanka.

The 57-year-old rose rapidly in Beijing to become foreign minister less than two years after becoming ambassador to Washington.

Initially, Beijing said that Qin had been unwell but later refused to comment on his whereabouts.

After a month of speculation, Xi pulled the pin on Qin’s career on Tuesday night.

Qin has missed meetings with leaders from the US, Europe, South East Asia and the Pacific during that time. Rumours of an affair with Chinese state TV anchor Fu Xiaotian surfaced in April after she posted cryptic messages about her baby’s unidentified father on Chinese social media site Weibo.

Qin had also angered senior members of the Politburo and foreign affairs ministry through his quick rise and failure to turn around deteriorating relations with the US and Europe.

But he had a powerful backer in Xi, who promoted him rapidly from foreign affairs spokesman to personal aide to foreign minister.

“This situation is a serious challenge because of his formerly close relationship with Xi,” said Willy Wo-Lap Lam, a senior fellow at the Jamestown Foundation and expert on Chinese elite politics from Hong Kong.

“His helicopter ride to the top was made possible only because of Xi Jinping.”

The former ambassador to Australia, Ma Zhaoxu, is now expected to take on a more senior role as vice foreign minister.

Wang is now in charge of China’s top two diplomatic posts, making him responsible for both strategy and delivery.

The position will make him one of the most powerful foreign ministers in China’s history, but he will be serving under Xi, who could consolidate his position by moving decisively despite losing one of his most loyal lieutenants.

“For relations with the US, Europe, Asia or Australia, it will have a chilling effect,” said Lam. “Because it shows that foreign policy is subject to the whims of just one person.”

https://www.theage.com.au/world/asia/china-s-foreign-minister-sacked-after-disappearing-for-a-month-20230725-p5dr8q.html

Reply Quote

Date: 26/07/2023 09:51:05
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2058135
Subject: re: China Politics

Fuck CHINA ahahahahahahaha ¡

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-07-26/meet-alicia-ferguson-cook-matilda-wwc-record-fastest-red-card/102272428

Reply Quote

Date: 26/07/2023 10:10:55
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2058146
Subject: re: China Politics

So which is it, a convenient excuse to turn down the dictators, or CHINA played Videodrome on the mobile phone or something¿

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-07-26/fiji-prime-minister-delays-china-visit/102647554

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 10:19:18
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2062772
Subject: re: China Politics

Xi Rebuilt the Military to His Liking. Now a Shake-Up Threatens Its Image
Xi Jinping, China’s leader, set out to clean up the military a decade ago. But now his crown jewel, the missile force, is under a shadow.

By Chris Buckley
Aug. 7, 2023

As Xi Jinping has entrenched his hold on power in China, he has likened himself to a physician, eradicating the toxins of corruption and disloyalty that threaten the rule of the Communist Party. And his signature project for over a decade has been bringing to heel the once extravagantly corrupt military leadership.

But recent upheavals at high levels of the People’s Liberation Army forces suggest that Mr. Xi’s cure has not endured. Last week, he abruptly replaced two top generals in the Rocket Force, an unexplained shake-up that suggests suspicions of graft or other misconduct in the sensitive arm of the military that manages conventional and nuclear missiles.

“Obviously, something has gone wrong in the system, which is probably related to discipline and corruption,” said Andrew N.D. Yang, an expert on the Chinese military who was formerly a senior Taiwanese defense official. “It’s like a virus in the system that has come back. It’s a deep-rooted problem, and it has survived in the system.”

A scandal involving the top brass of the armed forces would be a setback for Mr. Xi, who has taken pride in turning the 98 million-strong Communist Party and the Chinese military into unquestioning enforcers of his rule. Days before the generals were ousted, Mr. Xi removed the foreign minister, Qin Gang, another troublesome dismissal for Mr. Xi, who had elevated Mr. Qin as a trusted enforcer of his policies.

The signs of misconduct are likely to reinforce Mr. Xi’s conviction that China’s officials can be kept from straying only with intense scrutiny and pressure from above. That strategy includes subjecting cadres to constant inspections by party investigators; campaigns to instill loyalty to the Communist Party and to Mr. Xi; and to dismissals and arrests.

A Surprise Shake-Up: Xi Jinping’s replacement of two military commanders has fanned speculation about corruption or failings in the force that manages China’s nuclear missiles.

In Mr. Xi’s view, “you never get to the point where the danger recedes,” said Joseph Torigian, an assistant professor at American University in Washington who studies elite politics in China. “Even when you have an absolutely dominant leader, that doesn’t mean you don’t have churn in the system.”

When Mr. Xi came to power in 2012, he moved urgently to clean out corruption and lax discipline in the People’s Liberation Army, subduing potential rivals and centralizing power around himself — an overhaul that set an example for how he has transformed China as a whole.

In 2014, Mr. Xi gathered hundreds of senior officers at the same site where Mao Zedong had extended his sway over the revolutionary Red Army. Mr. Xi warned them that the military was rotting from within. Investigators had exposed Xu Caihou, a former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission — the party’s arm for controlling the armed forces — who had amassed a fortune from bribery; a general who hoarded jewels and cash in his homes and also consulted fortune tellers; officers buying and selling promotions; and some even selling secret information.

Mr. Xi was also warning of deepening rivalry with the United States, and he told the generals that the internal decay could be disastrous. “What starts as decadence will slide toward destruction,” he said, citing an ancient Chinese aphorism.

In the years that followed, Mr. Xi reorganized the People’s Liberation Army, bulldozing past potential opposition. Dozens of senior officers were convicted of corruption, and the buying and selling of promotions, once common, receded. Mr. Xi instituted new rules to cement his powers as the chairman of the Central Military Commission and commander in chief.

Today, virtually all members of China’s military elite owe their rise to Mr. Xi, giving him a firm edifice of power, said Daniel C. Mattingly, a political scientist at Yale University who analyzed the career paths of 1,200 officers in the People’s Liberation Army, or P.L.A. Mr. Xi’s second-in-command is Gen. Zhang Youxia, the son of a general who served alongside Mr. Xi’s father in the revolution, and a high proportion of other senior officers have a career link to Mr. Xi, some going back to his time as a local official, Mr. Mattingly said.

“The Chinese Communist Party’s civilian norms and institutions already make a leadership challenge really hard,” he said. “The fact that the P.L.A. is full of Xi’s people makes it much, much harder.”

The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force has stood out as a product of Mr. Xi’s support. He created the force in late 2015, elevating it from the former missile corps. He has “invested a lot of time and resources, and policy support,” said Brendan Mulvaney, the director of the China Aerospace Studies Institute at the U.S. Air University. The Rocket Force oversees “the largest and most diverse” missile program in the world, he said. Its inventory includes an array of missiles designed to carry nearly all of China’s 400 or more nuclear warheads.

“Xi talks about the P.L.A. Rocket Force as being central to future conflicts,” Mr. Mulvaney said. “So this much shake-up had to have a significant reason behind it.”

The top commander of the Rocket Force who fell from grace, General Li Yuchao, had been elevated to that post by Mr. Xi only early last year. General Li, along with the political commissar of the force, Xu Zhongbo, and another deputy, Liu Guangbin, has vanished from public view.

Most experts believe that General Li and possibly other senior officers may be accused of siphoning some of the enormous spending going into the fast-expanding force, though other allegations of misconduct may also play a role.

“Within the Chinese military, always follow the money. The corruption always goes with whatever it is that they’re building,” said Christopher K. Johnson, the president of the China Strategies Group and a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst of Chinese politics. “Where’s the money right now? It’s in the massive build program for their nuclear expansion.”

But Mr. Xi has warned that economic corruption and political disloyalty are intertwined. His predecessor, Hu Jintao, seemed to wield weak authority over the military top brass, and the leader before Mr. Hu, Jiang Zemin, struggled with an insubordinate commander. To defend his own authority, Mr. Xi appears willing to purge even the generals he has promoted.

In 2017, two commanders who had been elevated by Mr. Xi to the Central Military Commission— Zhang Yang and Fang Fenghui — were ousted over corruption allegations. General Zhang took his own life, and General Fang was imprisoned.

Now demands for the People’s Liberation Army to demonstrate its loyalty may redouble. Days before Mr. Xi installed the two new leaders of the Rocket Force, he told troops in southwest China that the campaign against lax discipline and corruption must “go deeper and deeper.” The People’s Liberation Army has also recently rolled out a new study campaign to instill loyalty to him. But with so much at stake in China’s nuclear weapons programs, Mr. Xi may keep details about the fallen rocket force officers secret.

“Whatever is happening with the former leadership of the P.L.A., Rocket Force will remain mostly opaque to the outside world,” said David Finkelstein, the vice president for China and Indo-Pacific security affairs at CNA, an institute in Arlington, Va. “Either way, the message to the force will be: ‘No one, however high in rank, is beyond the long reach of the party when lapses in discipline have occurred.’”

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/07/world/asia/china-nuclear-military-xi.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 10:23:53
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2062773
Subject: re: China Politics

How Dare Leaders And Other Anti-Corruption Bodies Crack Down On Corruption ¡

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 10:30:07
From: Cymek
ID: 2062775
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Xi Rebuilt the Military to His Liking. Now a Shake-Up Threatens Its Image
Xi Jinping, China’s leader, set out to clean up the military a decade ago. But now his crown jewel, the missile force, is under a shadow.

By Chris Buckley
Aug. 7, 2023

As Xi Jinping has entrenched his hold on power in China, he has likened himself to a physician, eradicating the toxins of corruption and disloyalty that threaten the rule of the Communist Party. And his signature project for over a decade has been bringing to heel the once extravagantly corrupt military leadership.

But recent upheavals at high levels of the People’s Liberation Army forces suggest that Mr. Xi’s cure has not endured. Last week, he abruptly replaced two top generals in the Rocket Force, an unexplained shake-up that suggests suspicions of graft or other misconduct in the sensitive arm of the military that manages conventional and nuclear missiles.

“Obviously, something has gone wrong in the system, which is probably related to discipline and corruption,” said Andrew N.D. Yang, an expert on the Chinese military who was formerly a senior Taiwanese defense official. “It’s like a virus in the system that has come back. It’s a deep-rooted problem, and it has survived in the system.”

A scandal involving the top brass of the armed forces would be a setback for Mr. Xi, who has taken pride in turning the 98 million-strong Communist Party and the Chinese military into unquestioning enforcers of his rule. Days before the generals were ousted, Mr. Xi removed the foreign minister, Qin Gang, another troublesome dismissal for Mr. Xi, who had elevated Mr. Qin as a trusted enforcer of his policies.

The signs of misconduct are likely to reinforce Mr. Xi’s conviction that China’s officials can be kept from straying only with intense scrutiny and pressure from above. That strategy includes subjecting cadres to constant inspections by party investigators; campaigns to instill loyalty to the Communist Party and to Mr. Xi; and to dismissals and arrests.

A Surprise Shake-Up: Xi Jinping’s replacement of two military commanders has fanned speculation about corruption or failings in the force that manages China’s nuclear missiles.

In Mr. Xi’s view, “you never get to the point where the danger recedes,” said Joseph Torigian, an assistant professor at American University in Washington who studies elite politics in China. “Even when you have an absolutely dominant leader, that doesn’t mean you don’t have churn in the system.”

When Mr. Xi came to power in 2012, he moved urgently to clean out corruption and lax discipline in the People’s Liberation Army, subduing potential rivals and centralizing power around himself — an overhaul that set an example for how he has transformed China as a whole.

In 2014, Mr. Xi gathered hundreds of senior officers at the same site where Mao Zedong had extended his sway over the revolutionary Red Army. Mr. Xi warned them that the military was rotting from within. Investigators had exposed Xu Caihou, a former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission — the party’s arm for controlling the armed forces — who had amassed a fortune from bribery; a general who hoarded jewels and cash in his homes and also consulted fortune tellers; officers buying and selling promotions; and some even selling secret information.

Mr. Xi was also warning of deepening rivalry with the United States, and he told the generals that the internal decay could be disastrous. “What starts as decadence will slide toward destruction,” he said, citing an ancient Chinese aphorism.

In the years that followed, Mr. Xi reorganized the People’s Liberation Army, bulldozing past potential opposition. Dozens of senior officers were convicted of corruption, and the buying and selling of promotions, once common, receded. Mr. Xi instituted new rules to cement his powers as the chairman of the Central Military Commission and commander in chief.

Today, virtually all members of China’s military elite owe their rise to Mr. Xi, giving him a firm edifice of power, said Daniel C. Mattingly, a political scientist at Yale University who analyzed the career paths of 1,200 officers in the People’s Liberation Army, or P.L.A. Mr. Xi’s second-in-command is Gen. Zhang Youxia, the son of a general who served alongside Mr. Xi’s father in the revolution, and a high proportion of other senior officers have a career link to Mr. Xi, some going back to his time as a local official, Mr. Mattingly said.

“The Chinese Communist Party’s civilian norms and institutions already make a leadership challenge really hard,” he said. “The fact that the P.L.A. is full of Xi’s people makes it much, much harder.”

The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force has stood out as a product of Mr. Xi’s support. He created the force in late 2015, elevating it from the former missile corps. He has “invested a lot of time and resources, and policy support,” said Brendan Mulvaney, the director of the China Aerospace Studies Institute at the U.S. Air University. The Rocket Force oversees “the largest and most diverse” missile program in the world, he said. Its inventory includes an array of missiles designed to carry nearly all of China’s 400 or more nuclear warheads.

“Xi talks about the P.L.A. Rocket Force as being central to future conflicts,” Mr. Mulvaney said. “So this much shake-up had to have a significant reason behind it.”

The top commander of the Rocket Force who fell from grace, General Li Yuchao, had been elevated to that post by Mr. Xi only early last year. General Li, along with the political commissar of the force, Xu Zhongbo, and another deputy, Liu Guangbin, has vanished from public view.

Most experts believe that General Li and possibly other senior officers may be accused of siphoning some of the enormous spending going into the fast-expanding force, though other allegations of misconduct may also play a role.

“Within the Chinese military, always follow the money. The corruption always goes with whatever it is that they’re building,” said Christopher K. Johnson, the president of the China Strategies Group and a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst of Chinese politics. “Where’s the money right now? It’s in the massive build program for their nuclear expansion.”

But Mr. Xi has warned that economic corruption and political disloyalty are intertwined. His predecessor, Hu Jintao, seemed to wield weak authority over the military top brass, and the leader before Mr. Hu, Jiang Zemin, struggled with an insubordinate commander. To defend his own authority, Mr. Xi appears willing to purge even the generals he has promoted.

In 2017, two commanders who had been elevated by Mr. Xi to the Central Military Commission— Zhang Yang and Fang Fenghui — were ousted over corruption allegations. General Zhang took his own life, and General Fang was imprisoned.

Now demands for the People’s Liberation Army to demonstrate its loyalty may redouble. Days before Mr. Xi installed the two new leaders of the Rocket Force, he told troops in southwest China that the campaign against lax discipline and corruption must “go deeper and deeper.” The People’s Liberation Army has also recently rolled out a new study campaign to instill loyalty to him. But with so much at stake in China’s nuclear weapons programs, Mr. Xi may keep details about the fallen rocket force officers secret.

“Whatever is happening with the former leadership of the P.L.A., Rocket Force will remain mostly opaque to the outside world,” said David Finkelstein, the vice president for China and Indo-Pacific security affairs at CNA, an institute in Arlington, Va. “Either way, the message to the force will be: ‘No one, however high in rank, is beyond the long reach of the party when lapses in discipline have occurred.’”

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/07/world/asia/china-nuclear-military-xi.html?

You can see how in secretive nations the opportunity for corruption in the military (which is already compartmentalised) would be high.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 10:38:32
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2062776
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Xi Rebuilt the Military to His Liking. Now a Shake-Up Threatens Its Image
Xi Jinping, China’s leader, set out to clean up the military a decade ago. But now his crown jewel, the missile force, is under a shadow.

By Chris Buckley
Aug. 7, 2023

As Xi Jinping has entrenched his hold on power in China, he has likened himself to a physician, eradicating the toxins of corruption and disloyalty that threaten the rule of the Communist Party. And his signature project for over a decade has been bringing to heel the once extravagantly corrupt military leadership.

But recent upheavals at high levels of the People’s Liberation Army forces suggest that Mr. Xi’s cure has not endured. Last week, he abruptly replaced two top generals in the Rocket Force, an unexplained shake-up that suggests suspicions of graft or other misconduct in the sensitive arm of the military that manages conventional and nuclear missiles.

“Obviously, something has gone wrong in the system, which is probably related to discipline and corruption,” said Andrew N.D. Yang, an expert on the Chinese military who was formerly a senior Taiwanese defense official. “It’s like a virus in the system that has come back. It’s a deep-rooted problem, and it has survived in the system.”

A scandal involving the top brass of the armed forces would be a setback for Mr. Xi, who has taken pride in turning the 98 million-strong Communist Party and the Chinese military into unquestioning enforcers of his rule. Days before the generals were ousted, Mr. Xi removed the foreign minister, Qin Gang, another troublesome dismissal for Mr. Xi, who had elevated Mr. Qin as a trusted enforcer of his policies.

The signs of misconduct are likely to reinforce Mr. Xi’s conviction that China’s officials can be kept from straying only with intense scrutiny and pressure from above. That strategy includes subjecting cadres to constant inspections by party investigators; campaigns to instill loyalty to the Communist Party and to Mr. Xi; and to dismissals and arrests.

A Surprise Shake-Up: Xi Jinping’s replacement of two military commanders has fanned speculation about corruption or failings in the force that manages China’s nuclear missiles.

In Mr. Xi’s view, “you never get to the point where the danger recedes,” said Joseph Torigian, an assistant professor at American University in Washington who studies elite politics in China. “Even when you have an absolutely dominant leader, that doesn’t mean you don’t have churn in the system.”

When Mr. Xi came to power in 2012, he moved urgently to clean out corruption and lax discipline in the People’s Liberation Army, subduing potential rivals and centralizing power around himself — an overhaul that set an example for how he has transformed China as a whole.

In 2014, Mr. Xi gathered hundreds of senior officers at the same site where Mao Zedong had extended his sway over the revolutionary Red Army. Mr. Xi warned them that the military was rotting from within. Investigators had exposed Xu Caihou, a former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission — the party’s arm for controlling the armed forces — who had amassed a fortune from bribery; a general who hoarded jewels and cash in his homes and also consulted fortune tellers; officers buying and selling promotions; and some even selling secret information.

Mr. Xi was also warning of deepening rivalry with the United States, and he told the generals that the internal decay could be disastrous. “What starts as decadence will slide toward destruction,” he said, citing an ancient Chinese aphorism.

In the years that followed, Mr. Xi reorganized the People’s Liberation Army, bulldozing past potential opposition. Dozens of senior officers were convicted of corruption, and the buying and selling of promotions, once common, receded. Mr. Xi instituted new rules to cement his powers as the chairman of the Central Military Commission and commander in chief.

Today, virtually all members of China’s military elite owe their rise to Mr. Xi, giving him a firm edifice of power, said Daniel C. Mattingly, a political scientist at Yale University who analyzed the career paths of 1,200 officers in the People’s Liberation Army, or P.L.A. Mr. Xi’s second-in-command is Gen. Zhang Youxia, the son of a general who served alongside Mr. Xi’s father in the revolution, and a high proportion of other senior officers have a career link to Mr. Xi, some going back to his time as a local official, Mr. Mattingly said.

“The Chinese Communist Party’s civilian norms and institutions already make a leadership challenge really hard,” he said. “The fact that the P.L.A. is full of Xi’s people makes it much, much harder.”

The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force has stood out as a product of Mr. Xi’s support. He created the force in late 2015, elevating it from the former missile corps. He has “invested a lot of time and resources, and policy support,” said Brendan Mulvaney, the director of the China Aerospace Studies Institute at the U.S. Air University. The Rocket Force oversees “the largest and most diverse” missile program in the world, he said. Its inventory includes an array of missiles designed to carry nearly all of China’s 400 or more nuclear warheads.

“Xi talks about the P.L.A. Rocket Force as being central to future conflicts,” Mr. Mulvaney said. “So this much shake-up had to have a significant reason behind it.”

The top commander of the Rocket Force who fell from grace, General Li Yuchao, had been elevated to that post by Mr. Xi only early last year. General Li, along with the political commissar of the force, Xu Zhongbo, and another deputy, Liu Guangbin, has vanished from public view.

Most experts believe that General Li and possibly other senior officers may be accused of siphoning some of the enormous spending going into the fast-expanding force, though other allegations of misconduct may also play a role.

“Within the Chinese military, always follow the money. The corruption always goes with whatever it is that they’re building,” said Christopher K. Johnson, the president of the China Strategies Group and a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst of Chinese politics. “Where’s the money right now? It’s in the massive build program for their nuclear expansion.”

But Mr. Xi has warned that economic corruption and political disloyalty are intertwined. His predecessor, Hu Jintao, seemed to wield weak authority over the military top brass, and the leader before Mr. Hu, Jiang Zemin, struggled with an insubordinate commander. To defend his own authority, Mr. Xi appears willing to purge even the generals he has promoted.

In 2017, two commanders who had been elevated by Mr. Xi to the Central Military Commission— Zhang Yang and Fang Fenghui — were ousted over corruption allegations. General Zhang took his own life, and General Fang was imprisoned.

Now demands for the People’s Liberation Army to demonstrate its loyalty may redouble. Days before Mr. Xi installed the two new leaders of the Rocket Force, he told troops in southwest China that the campaign against lax discipline and corruption must “go deeper and deeper.” The People’s Liberation Army has also recently rolled out a new study campaign to instill loyalty to him. But with so much at stake in China’s nuclear weapons programs, Mr. Xi may keep details about the fallen rocket force officers secret.

“Whatever is happening with the former leadership of the P.L.A., Rocket Force will remain mostly opaque to the outside world,” said David Finkelstein, the vice president for China and Indo-Pacific security affairs at CNA, an institute in Arlington, Va. “Either way, the message to the force will be: ‘No one, however high in rank, is beyond the long reach of the party when lapses in discipline have occurred.’”

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/07/world/asia/china-nuclear-military-xi.html?

You can see how in secretive nations the opportunity for corruption in the military (which is already compartmentalised) would be high.

Have to wonder if Xi has been stealing from the till.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 11:10:04
From: roughbarked
ID: 2062781
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Cymek said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Xi Rebuilt the Military to His Liking. Now a Shake-Up Threatens Its Image
Xi Jinping, China’s leader, set out to clean up the military a decade ago. But now his crown jewel, the missile force, is under a shadow.

By Chris Buckley
Aug. 7, 2023

As Xi Jinping has entrenched his hold on power in China, he has likened himself to a physician, eradicating the toxins of corruption and disloyalty that threaten the rule of the Communist Party. And his signature project for over a decade has been bringing to heel the once extravagantly corrupt military leadership.

But recent upheavals at high levels of the People’s Liberation Army forces suggest that Mr. Xi’s cure has not endured. Last week, he abruptly replaced two top generals in the Rocket Force, an unexplained shake-up that suggests suspicions of graft or other misconduct in the sensitive arm of the military that manages conventional and nuclear missiles.

“Obviously, something has gone wrong in the system, which is probably related to discipline and corruption,” said Andrew N.D. Yang, an expert on the Chinese military who was formerly a senior Taiwanese defense official. “It’s like a virus in the system that has come back. It’s a deep-rooted problem, and it has survived in the system.”

A scandal involving the top brass of the armed forces would be a setback for Mr. Xi, who has taken pride in turning the 98 million-strong Communist Party and the Chinese military into unquestioning enforcers of his rule. Days before the generals were ousted, Mr. Xi removed the foreign minister, Qin Gang, another troublesome dismissal for Mr. Xi, who had elevated Mr. Qin as a trusted enforcer of his policies.

The signs of misconduct are likely to reinforce Mr. Xi’s conviction that China’s officials can be kept from straying only with intense scrutiny and pressure from above. That strategy includes subjecting cadres to constant inspections by party investigators; campaigns to instill loyalty to the Communist Party and to Mr. Xi; and to dismissals and arrests.

A Surprise Shake-Up: Xi Jinping’s replacement of two military commanders has fanned speculation about corruption or failings in the force that manages China’s nuclear missiles.

In Mr. Xi’s view, “you never get to the point where the danger recedes,” said Joseph Torigian, an assistant professor at American University in Washington who studies elite politics in China. “Even when you have an absolutely dominant leader, that doesn’t mean you don’t have churn in the system.”

When Mr. Xi came to power in 2012, he moved urgently to clean out corruption and lax discipline in the People’s Liberation Army, subduing potential rivals and centralizing power around himself — an overhaul that set an example for how he has transformed China as a whole.

In 2014, Mr. Xi gathered hundreds of senior officers at the same site where Mao Zedong had extended his sway over the revolutionary Red Army. Mr. Xi warned them that the military was rotting from within. Investigators had exposed Xu Caihou, a former vice chairman of the Central Military Commission — the party’s arm for controlling the armed forces — who had amassed a fortune from bribery; a general who hoarded jewels and cash in his homes and also consulted fortune tellers; officers buying and selling promotions; and some even selling secret information.

Mr. Xi was also warning of deepening rivalry with the United States, and he told the generals that the internal decay could be disastrous. “What starts as decadence will slide toward destruction,” he said, citing an ancient Chinese aphorism.

In the years that followed, Mr. Xi reorganized the People’s Liberation Army, bulldozing past potential opposition. Dozens of senior officers were convicted of corruption, and the buying and selling of promotions, once common, receded. Mr. Xi instituted new rules to cement his powers as the chairman of the Central Military Commission and commander in chief.

Today, virtually all members of China’s military elite owe their rise to Mr. Xi, giving him a firm edifice of power, said Daniel C. Mattingly, a political scientist at Yale University who analyzed the career paths of 1,200 officers in the People’s Liberation Army, or P.L.A. Mr. Xi’s second-in-command is Gen. Zhang Youxia, the son of a general who served alongside Mr. Xi’s father in the revolution, and a high proportion of other senior officers have a career link to Mr. Xi, some going back to his time as a local official, Mr. Mattingly said.

“The Chinese Communist Party’s civilian norms and institutions already make a leadership challenge really hard,” he said. “The fact that the P.L.A. is full of Xi’s people makes it much, much harder.”

The People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force has stood out as a product of Mr. Xi’s support. He created the force in late 2015, elevating it from the former missile corps. He has “invested a lot of time and resources, and policy support,” said Brendan Mulvaney, the director of the China Aerospace Studies Institute at the U.S. Air University. The Rocket Force oversees “the largest and most diverse” missile program in the world, he said. Its inventory includes an array of missiles designed to carry nearly all of China’s 400 or more nuclear warheads.

“Xi talks about the P.L.A. Rocket Force as being central to future conflicts,” Mr. Mulvaney said. “So this much shake-up had to have a significant reason behind it.”

The top commander of the Rocket Force who fell from grace, General Li Yuchao, had been elevated to that post by Mr. Xi only early last year. General Li, along with the political commissar of the force, Xu Zhongbo, and another deputy, Liu Guangbin, has vanished from public view.

Most experts believe that General Li and possibly other senior officers may be accused of siphoning some of the enormous spending going into the fast-expanding force, though other allegations of misconduct may also play a role.

“Within the Chinese military, always follow the money. The corruption always goes with whatever it is that they’re building,” said Christopher K. Johnson, the president of the China Strategies Group and a former Central Intelligence Agency analyst of Chinese politics. “Where’s the money right now? It’s in the massive build program for their nuclear expansion.”

But Mr. Xi has warned that economic corruption and political disloyalty are intertwined. His predecessor, Hu Jintao, seemed to wield weak authority over the military top brass, and the leader before Mr. Hu, Jiang Zemin, struggled with an insubordinate commander. To defend his own authority, Mr. Xi appears willing to purge even the generals he has promoted.

In 2017, two commanders who had been elevated by Mr. Xi to the Central Military Commission— Zhang Yang and Fang Fenghui — were ousted over corruption allegations. General Zhang took his own life, and General Fang was imprisoned.

Now demands for the People’s Liberation Army to demonstrate its loyalty may redouble. Days before Mr. Xi installed the two new leaders of the Rocket Force, he told troops in southwest China that the campaign against lax discipline and corruption must “go deeper and deeper.” The People’s Liberation Army has also recently rolled out a new study campaign to instill loyalty to him. But with so much at stake in China’s nuclear weapons programs, Mr. Xi may keep details about the fallen rocket force officers secret.

“Whatever is happening with the former leadership of the P.L.A., Rocket Force will remain mostly opaque to the outside world,” said David Finkelstein, the vice president for China and Indo-Pacific security affairs at CNA, an institute in Arlington, Va. “Either way, the message to the force will be: ‘No one, however high in rank, is beyond the long reach of the party when lapses in discipline have occurred.’”

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/07/world/asia/china-nuclear-military-xi.html?

You can see how in secretive nations the opportunity for corruption in the military (which is already compartmentalised) would be high.

Have to wonder if Xi has been stealing from the till.

A neighbour once told me, “laws are only made to be broken”.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 11:15:37
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2062785
Subject: re: China Politics

roughbarked said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Cymek said:

You can see how in secretive nations the opportunity for corruption in the military (which is already compartmentalised) would be high.

Have to wonder if Xi has been stealing from the till.

A neighbour once told me, “laws are only made to be broken”.

That makes sense as the CCP doesn’t believe in the rule of law.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 11:16:16
From: roughbarked
ID: 2062787
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

How Dare Leaders And Other Anti-Corruption Bodies Crack Down On Corruption ¡

They just want the whole trough to themselves.

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 11:16:45
From: roughbarked
ID: 2062788
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


roughbarked said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Have to wonder if Xi has been stealing from the till.

A neighbour once told me, “laws are only made to be broken”.

That makes sense as the CCP doesn’t believe in the rule of law.

;)

Reply Quote

Date: 8/08/2023 12:02:00
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2062831
Subject: re: China Politics

Oh fuck what did

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-08-08/kpmg-defence-contracts-consultants-four-billion/102699506

people just start talking about, damn¿¡

Reply Quote

Date: 15/08/2023 22:31:42
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2065321
Subject: re: China Politics

When Tragedy Strikes in China, the Government Cracks Down on Grief
The Chinese government represses public grief, withholding information and stanching displays of mourning to tell history the way it wants it told.

By Li Yuan
Aug. 14, 2023

Many innocent lives were lost to tragic events in China in the past month. So far we haven’t learned a single name of any of them from China’s government or its official media. Nor have we seen news interviews of family members talking about their loved ones.

Those victims would include a coach and 10 members of a middle-school girls volleyball team who were killed in late July when the roof caved in on a gymnasium near the Siberian border. Despite an outpouring of public grief and anger around the country, the government never released their names. Social media posts sharing their names and tributes to their lives were censored.

Then there were the people — probably dozens, possibly hundreds — who died in severe flooding in northern and northeastern China in recent weeks. It was the most serious flooding in the country in decades. Posts about the casualties, and the hardships people endured, were censored.

In 2015, it was the 442 people who perished when a cruise ship sank on the Yangtze River, and last year, the 132 who died in a plane crash in southwestern China. And of course the many, many people who have died from Covid and remain unaccounted for.

In the past decade or so, the Chinese government has tightly controlled how tragedy is reported by the news media and portrayed on social media. Official media seldom discloses victims’ names. Family members run into trouble with the authorities if they mourn the dead publicly or loudly. This kind of emotional repression on a mass scale reflects the party’s expectation of the Chinese people: to play only one role, that of the obedient and grateful subject, no matter what happens to them.

Image
A gymnasium lit up at night, its roof having collapsed, as numerous orange-clad emergency workers search debris.
After a gym roof collapsed in Qiqihar, the government never released the names of the 11 people who died. Social media posts sharing their names and tributes were censored.Credit…Zhang Tao/Xinhua, via Associated Press

“After every tragedy, we always hope to find the names of all the victims so we can silently read them in our hearts and spread them in public,” an online commentator wrote about the deaths of the volleyball team. “Unfortunately, this humble wish is often difficult for us to fulfill.” The article was censored on a news portal subject to Beijing’s rules.

There’s a reason for the enforced omission and silence. In the view of the Chinese Communist Party, its rule should be celebrated no matter the circumstances. Victims of public tragedies are inconvenient facts highlighting that not everything under the party’s watch is glorious. Their deaths are testimony of its failure.

The government’s determination to silence discussion of public tragedies dates to Mao Zedong. Xi Jinping, China’s current paramount leader, has carried the practice forward.

“He wants to eliminate the history by eliminating the collective memory,” said Song Yongyi, a Los Angeles historian who specializes in the study of the Cultural Revolution.

The Communist Party has never been candid about the truth of its rule. It never disclosed how many people died during the Great Famine from 1959 to 1961; historians have found evidence that the number ranged from millions to tens of millions. It is not known exactly how many were killed in the bloody crackdown on Tiananmen Square protesters in 1989, though estimates of the number of deaths ranged from hundreds to several thousand.

Members of an organization of relatives of Tiananmen victims, called “the Tiananmen Mothers,” were harassed, surveilled and detained. At the top of their demands was “the right to mourn peacefully in public.”

The party relaxed its control somewhat in the 1990s and 2000s, and people like the investigative journalist Zhang Wenmin, who is known by her pen name, Jiang Xue, did their best to humanize their disaster coverage.

After the earthquake in Sichuan on May 12, 2008, in which more than 69,000 people died, Ms. Zhang and many other journalists, artists and activists tried to record the names and life stories of the dead. They produced some of China’s best journalistic and artistic works in recent memory despite occasional censorship.

“The Chinese public used to be referred to as nameless ‘masses’ in the party media outlets,” Ms. Zhang said. “Now they’re back to the ‘masses’ again with neither name nor face in the media.”

But even the limited freedom of expression that was afforded during that period has been eliminated under Mr. Xi, who has tightened the state’s control of information and how the past is remembered.

“Xi Jinping has made control of history one of his signature policies — because he sees counter-history as an existential threat,” Ian Johnson, an author who has covered China for decades, wrote in his new book, “Sparks: China’s Underground Historians and their Battle for the Future.”

Mr. Xi has turned the screws extra tight since the Covid pandemic. In April 2020, relatives of Wuhan residents who died were followed by minders when they picked up the ashes of their loved ones.

The government ignored a citizen demand to make Feb. 6 a nationwide day of mourning to mark the death of Dr. Li Wenliang, the whistle-blower who had warned the public of the coronavirus.

“We have always known that our speech is not free, our voice is not free. Yet we do not realize until today that even sorrow and mourning do not belong to us,” Ms. Zhang, the independent journalist, wrote in an article that was widely circulated on WeChat and other social media platforms before it was censored.

A recent video of the bereaved father of a volleyball player killed in the gymnasium collapse in Qiqihar highlighted the cruel reality faced by family members in public tragedies: Their grief, in the eyes of the government, makes them potential threats to social stability.

In the six-minute video, the father remained preternaturally composed as he tried to reason with the police, doctors and government officials at a hospital. He and other family members wanted to be allowed to identify the bodies of their daughters.

The father said he understood why the police were at the hospital. “We didn’t cause any troubles,” he said. He said he understood why no officials bothered to talk to them. “That’s fine,” he said.

Many people said online and in interviews that they cried watching the video because they recognized his “heart-wrenching restraint” and knew why he behaved that way.

“What happens if he didn’t hold back his anger?” asked an author in an article posted on social media. “As a father who has suffered such immense pain, why did he have to reason with such restraint and humility?”

As usual, the censorship machine went into high gear. Social media posts containing names of the victims and celebrating their lives and friendships were deleted. So were photos and videos showing the entrance of their school, where the public sent numerous flower bouquets, yogurt, milk tea and canned peaches, which is a comfort food for children in northeastern China.

The most recent example of how the government tries to hide the mass suffering of the Chinese people is the flooding in northern China.

Areas in Hebei Province near Beijing were hit the hardest because the authorities opened spillways to partly protect Xiong’an, a city that is being expanded to serve as an alternate national capital. It is one of Mr. Xi’s pet projects. The Hebei government said on Thursday that 29 people died and 16 were missing in the flooding. On the social media platform Weibo, some commentators said the government was lying about the casualties; on some posts, the comment function was disabled.

Some social media posts and first-person accounts of the flooding were censored. Among the blocked posts were complaints from people who said that government officials were nowhere to be seen when they needed help, and only showed up after the flood receded.

On the home page of the Chinese central government, the top article is a story from the official Xinhua News Agency.

The headline reads: “Under the strong and resolute leadership of Comrade Xi Jinping, the Central Committee of the Party commands and directs the flood control, disaster relief and emergency response efforts in Hebei Province.”

Nearly 4,990 words, the article listed many things the government had done, including the number of text alerts it had sent. It did not mention how many people died or were missing or homeless. They would be the nameless “masses” who were, of course, grateful for the government’s rescue.

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/14/business/china-flooding-tragedy-mourning.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 16/08/2023 08:00:17
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2065369
Subject: re: China Politics

CCP solves youth unemployment problem:

China Suspends Report on Youth Unemployment, Which Was at a Record High
The Chinese government said it would no longer release monthly data about unemployment in young people, which had risen each month this year and reached 21.3 percent.

By Claire Fu
Reporting from Seoul

Aug. 15, 2023
Updated 2:49 p.m. ET

The Chinese government, facing an expected seventh consecutive monthly increase in youth unemployment, said Tuesday that it had instead suspended release of the information.

The unemployment rate among 16- to 24-year-olds in urban areas hit 21.3 percent, a record, in June and has risen every month this year. It was widely forecast by economists to have climbed further last month.

The decision to scrub a widely watched report could exacerbate the concerns expressed by investors and executives who say ever-tightening government control of information is making it harder to do business in China.

Fu Linghui, a spokesman of the National Bureau of Statistics, said at a news briefing that the government would stop making public employment information “for youth and other age groups.” He said the surveys that government researchers use to collect the data “need to be further improved and optimized.”

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China’s youth unemployment rate has doubled in the last four years, a period of economic volatility induced by the “zero Covid” measures imposed by Beijing that left companies wary of hiring, interrupted education for many students, and made it hard to get the internships that had often led to job offers.

ImageCandidates at a job fair speaking with recruiters at about a dozen pop-up tables.
A job fair at a shopping center in Beijing in June. Credit…Mark Schiefelbein/Associated Press

The announcement drew more than 140 million views on the Chinese social media site Weibo within a few hours. Many people commenting online, some turning to sarcasm, said they believed the government suspended the report to try to hide negative information. Others said they believed the public had the right to be informed.

“Put in a clearer way,” one person wrote, “the current data looks very bad, so don’t look at it for now.” Another weighed in, “This currently has been the only policy that really works to address the high youth unemployment.”

The struggle for young people to find work is another sign of concern about the Chinese economy, the world’s second-largest. It is flagging seven months after the government abruptly ended the “zero Covid” push, plagued by falling exports and souring consumer confidence, as well as a dangerous condition known as deflation or chronically lower prices.

China did issue several other economic reports as scheduled on Tuesday. Many were gloomy: July retail sales and growth in industrial production — a measure of the output of China’s factories, mines and power plants — fell short of expectations. Investments in real estate developments fell 8.5 percent in the first seven months of the year.

Earlier Tuesday, China’s central bank made a series of moves that pushed key interest rates to new lows. The central bank, the People’s Bank of China, is expected to lower its benchmark lending rate, which determines the interest rates for mortgages and corporate loans, next week. The aim is to spur banks to lend more, although analysts said China’s economic problems are deep-rooted and require more than interest rate cuts to spark activity.

The data on youth unemployment is not the first economic report suspended this year by the Chinese authorities. This spring, the National Bureau of Statistics halted the public release of monthly readings of consumer confidence, a series that it launched 33 years ago.

Previous surveys showed that consumer confidence plummeted during a two-month lockdown in Shanghai, China’s most populous city, in 2022. Confidence barely began to recover in the early months of this year, even after Beijing lifted lockdowns nationwide in early December.

China’s policymakers have introduced measures to try to lift confidence and boost youth employment, such as offering subsidies to encourage private-sector companies and state-owned enterprises to hire more, and pressuring colleges and universities to do more to help graduates get jobs.

But the economy has been slow to respond. Private companies in China, which contribute 80 percent of the country’s urban employment, were hit especially hard by the lockdowns and mass testing that marked “zero Covid.”

On top of the damage inflicted on the job market during the pandemic, the government cracked down on the country’s technology, real estate and education industries, where educated young Chinese had flocked for jobs. The regulatory actions caused hundreds of thousands of layoffs and left companies and investors more cautious about expanding their businesses. When businesses are wary, hiring typically suffers.

Alibaba, one of China’s biggest technology companies, was a target of government scrutiny in 2020. Last year, it reduced its ranks by more than 10,000 employees, according to a report by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Country Garden, one of China’s biggest listed property developers, cut more than 30,000 employees in 2022, according to a think tank established by Beijing Business Today, a state-run media company.

Young people in China are facing a big gap between labor demand and supply. According to official data, 11.6 million students were expected to graduate college or university this year — the most ever and nearly one million more than last year. Future classes are expected to be even larger, while economic growth had started to slow even before the pandemic.

Another challenge is the mismatch between the jobs that college graduates want and the jobs that are available. Industries like construction and transportation, which usually draw more interest from migrant workers without degrees, have picked up. But sectors like technology and education have been slower to bounce back.

Even becoming an entry-level civil servant working for the government is harder these days. Last year, a record 2.6 million people applied to take the national civil service exam to compete for only 37,100 entry-level positions.

Xi Jinping, the country’s top leader, has called for young people to go to remote areas to find work — to “eat bitterness,” a Chinese expression that refers to enduring hardship.

But China’s educated young people today want jobs with good working environments in fields such as the internet, education, culture and entertainment. Those jobs, for the most part, are not located in the countryside.

“College students do hope to go to big cities,” said Nie Riming, a researcher at the Shanghai Institute of Finance and Law, a research organization.

Rising youth unemployment could lead to broader problems, according to a June report from the China Macroeconomy Forum, a think tank at Renmin University of China.

“If it is not handled properly, it will cause other social problems beyond the economy, and it could even ignite the fuse of political problems,” the report said.

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/08/15/business/china-youth-unemployment.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 15:54:22
From: OCDC
ID: 2069085
Subject: re: China Politics

This one that I found on my phone?

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 15:54:39
From: Michael V
ID: 2069086
Subject: re: China Politics

Bump…

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 15:55:34
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2069087
Subject: re: China Politics

OCDC said:


This one that I found on my phone?

I blame my phone.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 16:02:56
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2069090
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s economic model is faltering – does it have the political will to fix it?

The country’s property crisis is causing damage that requires Xi to make liberal or market reforms

George Magnus
Wed 23 Aug 2023

The long days of summer are proving to be rather too long for the government in Beijing. In an attempt to stabilise the faltering real estate market, the authorities announced earlier this week a modest decline in interest rates that was underwhelming in scale and intent.

Those who recall the bad old days in which the west was buffeted by successive crises such as those involving Northern Rock, Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers will recognise the futility of lower interest rates in stemming systemic problems in real estate and finance when the problem has nothing to do with interest rates being too high. And so it is in contemporary China, where the government is battling to stabilise an unstable economy.

It is clear that China’s economy is flailing. The yuan exchange rate is under pressure, and the authorities may be hard pushed to prevent people and firms trying to get money out of China despite tough regulations on the outflow of capital. Stock prices, which, to be fair, are only weakly associated with the economy, are at their lowest level since the end of 2022, but they reveal a paucity of confidence among Chinese households, investors and private firms in a deflationary environment.

The proximate cause for this troublesome state of affairs is the real estate market. Transaction volumes are down heavily and the reported fall in home prices seems, if anything, to be gaining momentum. During the last few days, the property developer at the heart of the crisis, Evergrande, filed for bankruptcy protection against creditors in New York, Hong Kong and the Cayman Islands. While a liquidity crisis has gripped it and many of its peers, another big firm, Country Garden – hailed a year ago as a model corporate citizen – has defaulted on some of its international bond obligations, and now as a penny stock, is struggling to regain market confidence.

China’s malaise is not the result of zero-Covid policies, nor is it a cyclical phenomenon that will fizzle with the passage of time and additional policy easing. It is fundamentally about a faltering of the country’s economic development model, featuring the first real estate bust since a former housing-welfare system was transformed into the world’s biggest, and for a while most important, property market.

The boom began long before the Covid pandemic, and for many years the state nurtured it with lax property regulation and successive rounds of generous financing of construction and infrastructure whenever the economy needed a lift. With banks, households and property developers knowing the government was always on their side, they behaved financially as though property prices and speculation were a one-way bet.

Yet, as we also found out in 2008, when the music stops all participants behave like a herd as they rush for the exit. And this is what China faces now, but with the addition of terrible demographics. Housing construction in China before the pandemic was running at levels that were about 30% greater than those that could be warranted by predicted lower levels of household formation and numbers of first-time buyers. Overbuilding and vacancy rates in hundreds of smaller towns and cities are chronic.

The real estate sector, then, is going to contract significantly from a weighty 23%-25% of GDP, and the government can only really try to manage that decline, if possible. Given the depths to which transactions have fallen there might be room for a short-term recovery if or when confidence returns, for example if the government announces soon some fiscal assistance for housing. Yet, the medium-term trend looks cast in stone, and if home prices continue to drop, it could prove hard to prevent damage: to property supply chains, for example in construction and commodities, to banks, and even to social stability.

As autumn looms, China may try to get the economy back on track, and there will soon be an important five-yearly party gathering, the third plenum (of the 20th party congress), often known for setting out strategic economic priorities. It is a moot point, though, if Xi’s China has the political will to address a raft of problems that require liberal or market reforms. These would include changes to the tax structure, social welfare, local government debt, political governance, productivity, and, above all, various forms of income redistribution from the state to individuals and private firms to encourage more robust consumption. Such moves do not sit comfortably with the Leninist hew of Xi’s China, which is now crossing a river where the stones are too deep to feel.

https://amp.theguardian.com/business/2023/aug/23/china-economic-model-property-crisis

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 16:05:43
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2069092
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


…the problem has nothing to do with interest rates being too high. And so it is in contemporary China, where the government is battling to stabilise an unstable economy.

It is clear that China’s economy is flailing. The yuan exchange rate is under pressure, and the authorities may be hard pushed to prevent people and firms trying to get money out of China despite tough regulations on the outflow of capital. Stock prices, which, to be fair, are only weakly associated with the economy, are at their lowest level since the end of 2022, but they reveal a paucity of confidence among Chinese households, investors and private firms in a deflationary environment.

Nothing that a jolly good war wouldn’t fix. Let’s go buzz Taiwan again, and see if we can find some more reefs to occupy.

Reply Quote

Date: 27/08/2023 16:16:24
From: Obviousman
ID: 2069097
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Nothing that a jolly good war wouldn’t fix. Let’s go buzz Taiwan again, and see if we can find some more reefs to occupy.

That’s quite possible; traditionally the CCP has moved slowly, happy to wait decades to achieve objectives… but internal pressures might see them make even more ‘rash moves’. Let’s not forget that the Argentinian junta felt that retaking the Malvinas would distract the people from the economic problems… and to a degree, they were successful.

The CCP might believe that a failing Russian alliance coupled with economic woes might justify a military excursion.

Reply Quote

Date: 16/09/2023 08:53:37
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2075101
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s defense minister under investigation for corruption
U.S. and Chinese officials say Li Shangfu, who has not been seen in public for weeks, likely will be removed from his position
By Ellen Nakashima and Cate Cadell

Updated September 15, 2023 at 3:35 a.m. EDT|Published September 15, 2023 at 12:17 a.m. EDT

Chinese Defense Minister Li Shangfu is under investigation for corruption and likely will be removed, two U.S. officials said this week, in what would be the latest in a series of top-tier purges of Beijing’s security ranks.

Sign up for Fact Checker, our weekly review of what’s true, false or in-between in politics.
The expected purge of Li, who has been noticeably absent from public view for the past two weeks, in the wake of other dismissals will heighten a sense of uncertainty over how China’s day-to-day foreign policy is being managed.

It will also further call into question Xi’s leadership as he consolidates power, analysts say. They note that the narrowing of his inner circle to yes-men has deprived him of opinions and advice that could avert damaging decisions.

One Chinese official said that Li’s dismissal was imminent, but said it was for “health issues,” not corruption. Two people involved in the Chinese defense industry, however, said there is broad consensus that Li’s absence is related to corruption charges relating to his previous position as head of military procurement.

Li, 65, who was appointed defense minister in March, is one of five state councilors — high-level officials — tapped by Xi to form China’s leadership cabinet this year.

Li was last seen on Aug. 29, when he gave a keynote address at the China-Africa Peace and Security Forum in Beijing. Earlier last month, he traveled to Belarus and Russia, meeting in Moscow with his counterpart, Sergey Shoigu. He is due to take part in a major international defense and security conference in Beijing next month, the Xiangshan Forum.

Li’s apparent cashiering would come months after the purge of China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, and the leadership of the People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force, its premier military unit in charge of the country’s growing arsenal of nuclear weapons and conventional missiles.

“These are some of the most important outward-facing positions in China,” said one senior U.S. official, who like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the matter’s sensitivity.

Li “is under serious investigation and in all likelihood is being removed,” the official said, noting that the Rocket Force leadership purge also involved allegations of corruption. The Financial Times reported Thursday that U.S. officials think that Li is under investigation.

Should Li be sacked, he would be the second state councilor to be removed from a ministerial position within three months.

“It could be even worse than that,” the official said, alluding to the potential for further purges.

Rahm Emanuel, the U.S. ambassador to Japan, on Friday suggested that Li had been placed under house arrest. “Might be getting crowded in there,” he wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter.

“As Shakespeare wrote in Hamlet, ‘Something is rotten in the state of Denmark’,” Emanuel wrote.

The Chinese Embassy in Washington declined to comment on Li’s absence. Asked about Li on Friday, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said she “didn’t know about the situation mentioned.”

Beijing has not publicly explained Li’s absence, and Chinese military websites still list him as minister of defense. Traditionally, when Chinese officials are ousted for corruption or other disciplinary crimes, Beijing refrains from citing a reason, and confirmation can take months or even years.

When Qin abruptly disappeared from sight in June, Beijing’s foreign ministry steadfastly refused to comment, instead scrubbing his existence from its Chinese-language website. Similarly, when Xi this summer purged the top two leaders of the PLA Rocket Force, the only information released by Beijing was an announcement of their replacements.

Since China’s 20th Party Congress last October, Xi has consolidated power, elevating a cadre of high-level officials based on their loyalty and closeness to him. The removal of Li on the heels of other officials would “take a huge toll on Xi Jinping’s reputation and credibility,” said Yun Sun, director of the China Program at the Stimson Center. “It would basically suggest that Xi Jinping’s domestic political position is in question.”

The housecleaning comes as China’s economy is struggling to right itself after a disastrous mass lockdown policy during the covid-19 pandemic, a real estate market crash and a mounting debt crisis. The tumult of Xi’s domestic problems was likely a factor in his skipping the G-20 leaders’ summit in New Delhi last week, analysts said.

With the dismissals of top diplomatic and military officials, “it seems like there’s a lot of churn and instability in who’s representing and speaking for China on the world stage,” said Sheena Chestnut Greitens, director of the Asia Policy Program at the University of Texas, Austin.

“As China’s whole system has become more and more opaque and as powers become personalized under Xi Jinping, that makes it harder for outside interlocutors to know where China’s foreign policy is going to go,” Greitens said.

Dennis Wilder, a former senior China analyst at the CIA, said Xi has created his own dilemma “because he’s taken so much power for himself.” Several years ago, Xi abolished term limits allowing him to serve an unprecedented third term.

“When you close down a system to one-man rule like this, you close off discussion and debate within the system other opinions aren’t brought into play that can lead to better decision-making,” said Wilder, who is now a senior fellow at Georgetown’s U.S.-China initiative.

Li’s ascension to defense minister followed several high-profile roles at the forefront of China’s military modernization efforts, including serving in 2016 as deputy commander of the PLA Strategic Support Force, a unit that oversees advanced warfare technology including space and cyber operations.

The following year, he was named as the top military procurement official, heading up the PLA Equipment Development Department, a powerful unit responsible for buying weapons.

In recent months, the procurement agency announced it had launched an investigation into alleged violations during a period that coincided with Li’s tenure as director.

In July, a notice released by the department called for tips into alleged violations in the procurement process dating to October 2017. The notice listed eight violations, including “actively leaking secrets,” “unfair handling of matters” and “lack of supervision.” It solicited tips regarding individuals who had manipulated the bidding process for personal gain.

China’s national strategy to rapidly build a military that can compete with the United States has seen billions of dollars flow to public and private contractors, a process which analysts say is easily corrupted.

“The temptations that come with that for senior officers in charge of these programs are great,” Wilder said.

The alleged corruption calls into question the professionalism and readiness of the PLA, he said. “We tend to judge the PLA by the equipment they’ve been buying. But this leads to questions about the quality and reliability of the officer corps. Are they working in the national defense or lining their own pockets?”

Corruption has long plagued China’s military.

In 2012, when Xi took power, he removed the two vice-chairmen of the Central Military Commission who were later charged with corruption.

A few years later, the former chief of the joint staff of the PLA, Fang Fenghui, was placed under investigation for corruption, and in 2018, Xi fired the Chinese head of Interpol after he reportedly admitted to taking more than $2 million in bribes. In 2019, Fang was sentenced to life in prison on corruption charges.

In 2018, Li and the Equipment Development Department were sanctioned by the United States for violating a law barring significant transactions with persons working on behalf of Russian defense or intelligence agencies. These transactions involved Russia’s transfer to China of Su-35 combat aircraft and S-400 surface-to-air missile system-related equipment. The sanctions on Li have caused friction between Beijing and Washington as U.S. officials are seeking to restart military dialogues.

Beijing in May declined a U.S. request for Li to meet with Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, citing the sanctions. The State Department in May said it was not considering lifting sanctions on Li. There have been subsequent discussions about revisiting the issue, but there seems to be no appetite to do so, and in any case, Li’s removal would moot the issue, officials said.

“The state of things is changing constantly day-to-day now,” said an adviser to the Chinese government in Beijing. The person said that there is fresh scrutiny of the country’s security apparatus, including the military, intelligence agencies and internal security forces.

U.S. officials said that Xi’s decade-long campaign to root out corruption is challenged by systemic issues.

“Some of the PLA’s enduring problems may be too big for Xi to solve, and they have a real impact on the PLA’s ability to achieve what he wants them to,” said a second U.S. official. “We know that corruption in the PLA runs deep enough for this to be a factor. And we know it’s had a profound effect on what they’re able to do, and how they do it.”

This week, China’s president sought to project an image of control. During an inspection of a PLA unit in northeast China, Xi, dressed in a pale green military button-down, assembled officials to “strictly enforce education and management of the troops, and maintain a high degree of centralization, unity, security and stability,” according to state news agency Xinhua.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/09/15/china-defense-minister-missing-li-shangfu/?

Reply Quote

Date: 16/09/2023 08:53:38
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2075102
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s defense minister under investigation for corruption
U.S. and Chinese officials say Li Shangfu, who has not been seen in public for weeks, likely will be removed from his position
By Ellen Nakashima and Cate Cadell

Updated September 15, 2023 at 3:35 a.m. EDT|Published September 15, 2023 at 12:17 a.m. EDT

Chinese Defense Minister Li Shangfu is under investigation for corruption and likely will be removed, two U.S. officials said this week, in what would be the latest in a series of top-tier purges of Beijing’s security ranks.

Sign up for Fact Checker, our weekly review of what’s true, false or in-between in politics.
The expected purge of Li, who has been noticeably absent from public view for the past two weeks, in the wake of other dismissals will heighten a sense of uncertainty over how China’s day-to-day foreign policy is being managed.

It will also further call into question Xi’s leadership as he consolidates power, analysts say. They note that the narrowing of his inner circle to yes-men has deprived him of opinions and advice that could avert damaging decisions.

One Chinese official said that Li’s dismissal was imminent, but said it was for “health issues,” not corruption. Two people involved in the Chinese defense industry, however, said there is broad consensus that Li’s absence is related to corruption charges relating to his previous position as head of military procurement.

Li, 65, who was appointed defense minister in March, is one of five state councilors — high-level officials — tapped by Xi to form China’s leadership cabinet this year.

Li was last seen on Aug. 29, when he gave a keynote address at the China-Africa Peace and Security Forum in Beijing. Earlier last month, he traveled to Belarus and Russia, meeting in Moscow with his counterpart, Sergey Shoigu. He is due to take part in a major international defense and security conference in Beijing next month, the Xiangshan Forum.

Li’s apparent cashiering would come months after the purge of China’s foreign minister, Qin Gang, and the leadership of the People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force, its premier military unit in charge of the country’s growing arsenal of nuclear weapons and conventional missiles.

“These are some of the most important outward-facing positions in China,” said one senior U.S. official, who like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity because of the matter’s sensitivity.

Li “is under serious investigation and in all likelihood is being removed,” the official said, noting that the Rocket Force leadership purge also involved allegations of corruption. The Financial Times reported Thursday that U.S. officials think that Li is under investigation.

Should Li be sacked, he would be the second state councilor to be removed from a ministerial position within three months.

“It could be even worse than that,” the official said, alluding to the potential for further purges.

Rahm Emanuel, the U.S. ambassador to Japan, on Friday suggested that Li had been placed under house arrest. “Might be getting crowded in there,” he wrote on X, formerly known as Twitter.

“As Shakespeare wrote in Hamlet, ‘Something is rotten in the state of Denmark’,” Emanuel wrote.

The Chinese Embassy in Washington declined to comment on Li’s absence. Asked about Li on Friday, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said she “didn’t know about the situation mentioned.”

Beijing has not publicly explained Li’s absence, and Chinese military websites still list him as minister of defense. Traditionally, when Chinese officials are ousted for corruption or other disciplinary crimes, Beijing refrains from citing a reason, and confirmation can take months or even years.

When Qin abruptly disappeared from sight in June, Beijing’s foreign ministry steadfastly refused to comment, instead scrubbing his existence from its Chinese-language website. Similarly, when Xi this summer purged the top two leaders of the PLA Rocket Force, the only information released by Beijing was an announcement of their replacements.

Since China’s 20th Party Congress last October, Xi has consolidated power, elevating a cadre of high-level officials based on their loyalty and closeness to him. The removal of Li on the heels of other officials would “take a huge toll on Xi Jinping’s reputation and credibility,” said Yun Sun, director of the China Program at the Stimson Center. “It would basically suggest that Xi Jinping’s domestic political position is in question.”

The housecleaning comes as China’s economy is struggling to right itself after a disastrous mass lockdown policy during the covid-19 pandemic, a real estate market crash and a mounting debt crisis. The tumult of Xi’s domestic problems was likely a factor in his skipping the G-20 leaders’ summit in New Delhi last week, analysts said.

With the dismissals of top diplomatic and military officials, “it seems like there’s a lot of churn and instability in who’s representing and speaking for China on the world stage,” said Sheena Chestnut Greitens, director of the Asia Policy Program at the University of Texas, Austin.

“As China’s whole system has become more and more opaque and as powers become personalized under Xi Jinping, that makes it harder for outside interlocutors to know where China’s foreign policy is going to go,” Greitens said.

Dennis Wilder, a former senior China analyst at the CIA, said Xi has created his own dilemma “because he’s taken so much power for himself.” Several years ago, Xi abolished term limits allowing him to serve an unprecedented third term.

“When you close down a system to one-man rule like this, you close off discussion and debate within the system other opinions aren’t brought into play that can lead to better decision-making,” said Wilder, who is now a senior fellow at Georgetown’s U.S.-China initiative.

Li’s ascension to defense minister followed several high-profile roles at the forefront of China’s military modernization efforts, including serving in 2016 as deputy commander of the PLA Strategic Support Force, a unit that oversees advanced warfare technology including space and cyber operations.

The following year, he was named as the top military procurement official, heading up the PLA Equipment Development Department, a powerful unit responsible for buying weapons.

In recent months, the procurement agency announced it had launched an investigation into alleged violations during a period that coincided with Li’s tenure as director.

In July, a notice released by the department called for tips into alleged violations in the procurement process dating to October 2017. The notice listed eight violations, including “actively leaking secrets,” “unfair handling of matters” and “lack of supervision.” It solicited tips regarding individuals who had manipulated the bidding process for personal gain.

China’s national strategy to rapidly build a military that can compete with the United States has seen billions of dollars flow to public and private contractors, a process which analysts say is easily corrupted.

“The temptations that come with that for senior officers in charge of these programs are great,” Wilder said.

The alleged corruption calls into question the professionalism and readiness of the PLA, he said. “We tend to judge the PLA by the equipment they’ve been buying. But this leads to questions about the quality and reliability of the officer corps. Are they working in the national defense or lining their own pockets?”

Corruption has long plagued China’s military.

In 2012, when Xi took power, he removed the two vice-chairmen of the Central Military Commission who were later charged with corruption.

A few years later, the former chief of the joint staff of the PLA, Fang Fenghui, was placed under investigation for corruption, and in 2018, Xi fired the Chinese head of Interpol after he reportedly admitted to taking more than $2 million in bribes. In 2019, Fang was sentenced to life in prison on corruption charges.

In 2018, Li and the Equipment Development Department were sanctioned by the United States for violating a law barring significant transactions with persons working on behalf of Russian defense or intelligence agencies. These transactions involved Russia’s transfer to China of Su-35 combat aircraft and S-400 surface-to-air missile system-related equipment. The sanctions on Li have caused friction between Beijing and Washington as U.S. officials are seeking to restart military dialogues.

Beijing in May declined a U.S. request for Li to meet with Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin on the sidelines of the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, citing the sanctions. The State Department in May said it was not considering lifting sanctions on Li. There have been subsequent discussions about revisiting the issue, but there seems to be no appetite to do so, and in any case, Li’s removal would moot the issue, officials said.

“The state of things is changing constantly day-to-day now,” said an adviser to the Chinese government in Beijing. The person said that there is fresh scrutiny of the country’s security apparatus, including the military, intelligence agencies and internal security forces.

U.S. officials said that Xi’s decade-long campaign to root out corruption is challenged by systemic issues.

“Some of the PLA’s enduring problems may be too big for Xi to solve, and they have a real impact on the PLA’s ability to achieve what he wants them to,” said a second U.S. official. “We know that corruption in the PLA runs deep enough for this to be a factor. And we know it’s had a profound effect on what they’re able to do, and how they do it.”

This week, China’s president sought to project an image of control. During an inspection of a PLA unit in northeast China, Xi, dressed in a pale green military button-down, assembled officials to “strictly enforce education and management of the troops, and maintain a high degree of centralization, unity, security and stability,” according to state news agency Xinhua.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/09/15/china-defense-minister-missing-li-shangfu/?

Reply Quote

Date: 16/09/2023 09:45:54
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2075122
Subject: re: China Politics

Lenin is supposed to have said that ‘the capitalists will sell us the rope with which to hang them’.

In China, they’ll make the rope, and sell it to the westerners, but they’ll deduct a cut from the proceeds, pay some bribes to the Party, understate the final figure, and try to avoid paying taxes on that declared profit.

And they call it ‘communism’.

Reply Quote

Date: 21/10/2023 18:50:16
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2086563
Subject: re: China Politics

Tale of emperor whose ineptitude ended his dynasty unnerves Chinese censors

History book disappears from shops and online searches are blocked as Beijing strengthens control of information flows

Joe Leahy in Beijing October 21 2023

A Chinese reprint of a book about an emperor who ran his realm into the ground before committing suicide nearly 400 years ago has abruptly disappeared from book shelves in China and searches for it have been censored online.

The Book Chongzhen: the Diligent Emperor of a Failed Dynasty, republished last month, recounts how the last emperor of the 1368-1644 Ming dynasty purged senior officials and mismanaged his kingdom before finally hanging himself on a tree outside the Forbidden City as rebels closed in on Beijing.

The blurb on the book’s cover declares that the harder Chongzhen worked, the faster he brought about the collapse of the empire. “A series of foolish measures every step a mistake, the more diligent the faster the downfall,” it says.

China has long censored anything that could be used to draw parallels with current leaders.

Control of information has also increased under Xi Jinping, who has abolished presidential term limits and in March began an unprecedented third five-year stint in office.

But the disappearance of a reprint of a previously published book, which would have been vetted by state propagandists before publication, is not common, publishers say.

This year, Beijing has become particularly sensitive about negative reports on its stewardship of the economy, which is still struggling to recover from Xi’s severe Covid-zero policy during the pandemic that critics argue hit consumers and small businesses particularly hard.

The book on the former emperor is a reprint of a 2016 publication, which carried the less provocative title: The Past of Chongzhen: The Final Scene of the Ming Empire and was authored by the late historian Chen Wutong.

Some users reviewing the original edition on a reading app, WeRead, complained about the move. “What exactly is there to fear? What’s wrong with taking history as a lesson?” said one commentator in a post.

The cover art features a noose around the first character in Chongzhen’s two-character name — a reference to his suicide.

China has a long history of trying to draw lessons from the stories of its emperors and Xi takes the study of the past very seriously himself, peppering his speeches with references to it, analysts say.

“I think he believes history has a pattern and it’s meaningful and people have to get the right idea from it,” said Kerry Brown, professor of Chinese studies and director of the Lau China Institute at King’s College, London.

He said some people also drew certain parallels between Xi and the emperors of the past. “This fact that he’s an imperial kind of figure and one of the ways of attacking him is through historic parallels,” he said.

But he said the censorship of a relatively obscure history book, whose main problem was the blurb on the cover, probably was more of an indication of nervousness in the Communist party system at this moment as cadres tried to prove their loyalty.

“The functionaries quite low down, their default is go for the most cautious kind of response,” he said. “You need a lot of knowledge to work out what was the sensitivity of this.”

China’s censors quickly remove anything that could be perceived as a slight to Xi, in 2017 even blocking searches for Winnie the Pooh, the portly bear created by the English author AA Milne that some joked bore a resemblance to the Chinese leader.

The Financial Times visited chain bookstores in Beijing, including state-owned Xinhua bookstore, and several independent bookshops and was informed the book was unavailable in every branch. It is also unavailable on all online booksellers.

Employees at the headquarters of Sanlian Taofeng Bookhouse, one of the most renowned bookstores in China, told the FT no copies had been available since October 17.

The recalling of a recently released book is rare in China because of the stringent process publishers have to go through to get a title published, including repeated checking by censors.

The book’s privately owned publisher, Dookbook, and its state-owned publisher, Wen Hui Publishing, did not respond to requests for comment.

The ministry of foreign affairs did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

https://www.ft.com/content/1f8d51c9-6de6-49cc-ae0a-c7947fe21de2

Reply Quote

Date: 21/10/2023 19:02:18
From: Michael V
ID: 2086566
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Tale of emperor whose ineptitude ended his dynasty unnerves Chinese censors

History book disappears from shops and online searches are blocked as Beijing strengthens control of information flows

…snip…

https://www.ft.com/content/1f8d51c9-6de6-49cc-ae0a-c7947fe21de2

Ban a history book, because, well, Xi. Well done them.

Reply Quote

Date: 28/10/2023 19:01:25
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2088904
Subject: re: China Politics

Reply Quote

Date: 28/10/2023 20:23:39
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2088925
Subject: re: China Politics

China-Australia thaw reveals limits of Beijing’s economic coercion
Ahead of Albanese’s first China visit, relaxation of punitive trade measures proves Xi will not sacrifice economy for politics

RICHARD MCGREGOR, Contributing writer
OCTOBER 25, 2023 06:00 JST

SYDNEY — Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will travel to Beijing on November 4, a trip that in any ordinary year would attract little notice outside of the two countries.

But these are no ordinary times, and Albanese’s visit will be on the radar of many capitals, not least Washington and Tokyo, which track intently the interactions of their allies and partners with Beijing.

No Australian prime minister has visited China since 2016. The hiatus was caused as much by the near collapse of a once professional and friendly bilateral relationship as it was by COVID-19 lockdowns.

Both countries have been engaged in an elaborate diplomatic table setting ahead of the Albanese visit, to ensure its success. Earlier this month, Beijing released Chinese-Australian journalist Cheng Lei, who had been jailed for nearly three years on vague national security charges.

Australia, for its part, last week cleared the Chinese lease of a port in Darwin, northern Australia, of security risks. Albanese also recently announced the sides have reached an agreement that could lead to the resumption of Australian wine exports to China.

The rupture in and subsequent stabilization of bilateral ties with China has provided the world with a real-time experiment in what happens when an emerging superpower like Beijing decides to teach a U.S.-aligned middle power in the Asia-Pacific a lesson.

Australia does not always command the diplomatic attention that its leaders would like. “When I am shaving in the morning, I am not thinking about Australian foreign policy,” Henry Kissinger famously quipped in the early 1990s.

In part, this is a byproduct of geographical isolation. Australia is not en route to anywhere aside from New Zealand and Antarctica.

But it is also because Australia has traditionally been a low-maintenance ally of the U.S. with mostly good relations with its neighbors. Canberra does not go out of its way to pick noisy fights.

That changed dramatically around 2016, when Beijing and Canberra began squabbling over a kaleidoscope of thorny issues — Hong Kong, the South China Sea, hacking, allegations of spying and Chinese meddling in Australian politics.

Far from being a passive follower of the U.S., Canberra began setting the pace in standing up to China. In 2018, Australia became the first country to ban Huawei, the Chinese telecommunications company, from its 5G network. The U.S. followed suit in 2019.

After the government, led by then-Prime Minister Scott Morrison, called for an independent inquiry into the origins of COVID in early 2020, Beijing’s threats against Australia, until then delivered largely in private, spilled into the open. Within weeks, China had blocked or placed tariffs on $20 billion worth of Australia’s exports.

Beijing scarcely concealed that the punitive measures were aimed at punishing Australia. “We will not allow any country to reap benefits from doing business with China while groundlessly accusing and smearing China, and undermining its core interests based on ideology,” said Zhao Lijian, then the Foreign Ministry spokesman.

It was not surprising that Beijing thought it could leverage trade to coerce Australia. At the time the measures were enacted, about 40% of Australian exports in value terms were sold to China.

Australia, however, stood its ground.

“We are an open-trading nation, mate, but I’m never going to trade our values in response to coercion, from wherever it comes,” Morrison told a radio station in Sydney after the trade measures were enacted.

Throughout the bilateral dispute, China depicted Australia as a puppet of Washington. Zhao, of the Foreign Ministry, said in 2021, “When a certain country acts as a cat’s paw for others, it is the people that pay for misguided government policies.”

The ripple effect

Fast forward three years, and the fallout from a seemingly isolated political and trade spat has extended far beyond Australia and China, and in ways that few predicted at the time.

In 2021, in response to what he said was a dramatically deteriorating strategic outlook, Morrison unveiled a deal with the U.S. and U.K. to buy and develop nuclear-powered submarines, and share advanced military technology. The deal, known as AUKUS, has reverberated around the region.

The strengthening of defense ties with Washington, which includes an increase in the number of U.S. marines rotated in northern Australia, has run in parallel with Canberra enhancing security cooperation with Japan and India. While the U.S. does not formally base troops in Australia, marines have been rotated through northern Australia since 2011, expanding from an initial 200 to about 2,500 today.

In August, Japanese F-35 jets landed near Darwin, where Tokyo has stationed 55 service members, the first time Japan has had such a military presence in Australia since World War II. Washington, Tokyo and Canberra have announced joint patrols off the Philippines, which is locked in a territorial dispute with Beijing.

Australia once stood alone in banning Huawei, but many other countries have since instituted similar prohibitions to keep the Chinese tech giant out of its telecom networks.

Australia also set the pace in another area of deteriorating China ties: security. Three years ago, more than half of Australians considered China an economic partner while 41% saw a security threat, according to a poll by the Lowy Institute. Now, two-thirds are focused on Beijing as a regional security threat, the type of collapse in sentiment toward China that has been replicated in the U.S., Europe, Japan and South Korea.

In the oceans off eastern Australia, once muted competition for influence between Canberra and Beijing is now out in the open, and a fact of life for the 14 small island nations dotting the Pacific, as much as they are resisting taking a side.

“China has made its intentions clear so too are the intentions of the new Australian government,” Penny Wong, Australia’s Foreign Minister, said after Beijing attempted, unsuccessfully, in 2022 to have 10 Pacific nations sign an economic and security pact.

The U.S., Japan, South Korea as well as the U.K. and European nations have all taken a heightened interest in Australia’s feud with China, sending delegations on the lengthy trek Down Under to understand how the government has stood up to Beijing, and largely gotten away with it. Albanese is in Washington this week, with China high on the agenda for his talks with President Joe Biden.

There has been negative blowback as well. New Zealand, Australia’s closest partner, has often shuddered at Canberra’s noisy conflict with Beijing. Feeling vulnerable, New Zealand has largely steered clear of replicating Australia’s stance.

Australia’s relations with Southeast Asia have deteriorated too, partly through neglect from the Australian side in the Morrison era but also because many regional nations thought Canberra too confrontational in its dealing with Beijing.

Better together

With so much bad blood between Australia and China, how did Albanese secure an invitation to Beijing for an official visit?

The stabilization arc of Sino-Australian relations over the past year contains lessons for other countries trying to thread the needle with China in an era of superpower competition, especially in resisting pressure through Beijing’s use of punitive trade measures.

Albanese, after his election in May 2022, made it clear he would eschew the outspoken style of his predecessor, Morrison. At the height of COVID, Morrison had suggested the World Health Organization should be able to send investigators akin to “weapons inspectors” into China to hunt down the origin of the virus.

Albanese, who started his political life on the socialist left of the Labor Party but has since moved closer to the center, has steered away from such public controversy. The change of tone allowed Beijing to begin to dismount from its policy of belligerence and punishment, especially as those policies had not worked in the first place.

As an editorial in the Australian National University’s East Asia Forum noted: “In exchange for forfeiting its hard-won reputation as a reliable trading partner, all Beijing got in return was AUKUS and the hostility of the Australian public and political class.”

Beijing’s punitive trade measures wreaked havoc in some of Australia’s targeted sectors, notably wine and lobster. Australia had been the biggest foreign player in the Chinese wine market, with annual sales of around $1 billion. They have since trickled to a few tens of millions of dollars. Nearly all of Australia’s lobster exports formerly went to China.

Elsewhere, Australian producers sought alternative markets to make up for lost Chinese sales. China’s share of Australian exports hit a high of 43% in May 2020 but fell to 28% by mid-2022. Countries like Japan and India took up much of the slack.

The damage to Australian trade would have been much larger had China been able to source core commodities like iron ore and liquefied natural gas from elsewhere. But, luckily for Australia, both sides were stuck with each other.

Australia could not find alternative markets to match China for iron ore, LNG and wool. Nor could China wean itself off a substantial reliance on Australia as a supplier.

Far from Australia being dependent on China, the two countries have proved, for the moment, to be interdependent in key sectors.

There is no denying that geopolitical disputes are spilling over into economic exchanges with increasing frequency, said James Laurenceson of the Australia-China Relations Institute, in Sydney. “But the informed question is around how significant these spillovers are, compared with the fundamental drivers of trade, which are economic, not political. Politicians and bureaucrats don’t trade. Businesses and households do.”

Lessons learned

The China-Australia spat was also an important reminder for any country that has been subject to punitive measures from Beijing. No matter how angry Beijing becomes, it will not self-harm in enacting sanctions.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, somewhat perversely, helped Australia’s cause. The war elevated the salience of commodity suppliers, and in some cases, pushed up prices. At such a moment, Beijing rationally needed to shore up ties with Australia.

Resource-rich Australia is also abundant in the minerals needed for the green economy. As Chinese output of batteries and electric vehicles has soared, so have sales of Australian lithium and lithium concentrate.

“If you believe that we are undergoing a green and digital transformation, guess who has the lion’s share of the essential raw materials for this new economy?” Singaporean Foreign Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said in May. “That is one strength .”

Lithium has surpassed LNG as Australia’s second biggest export to China behind iron ore, with sales rocketing to $7.4 billion between January and June this year, according to David Uren in an article for the Australian Strategic Policy Institute. “Two years ago, first-half sales of lithium to China reached only ,” he wrote.

Australia supplies more than half of the world’s lithium, and 96% of its exports of the mineral go to China, underlining the latter’s overwhelming global dominance in batteries and electric vehicles.

Although lithium sales are providing a windfall for Australia at the moment, the booming trade also contains the seeds of future geopolitical tensions.

China’s rivals, in Washington, Tokyo, Brussels and elsewhere are aghast at Beijing’s lock on green industries and are rolling out policies to regain ground.

As a resource-rich U.S. ally, Canberra is at the heart of those efforts to ensure reliable and secure supplies of minerals for the new economy. This year, Australian Treasurer Jim Chalmers has blocked two investment proposals from Chinese-linked companies dealing with rare earths and lithium.

Canberra has been clear that it is not going to let China dominate investment in these industries in Australia. “We’ll need to be more assertive about encouraging investment that clearly aligns with our national interest in the longer term,” Chalmers said in a speech last November.

From icy to lukewarm

The stabilization of ties with Beijing under the Albanese government has kindled hopes that the relationship can find a new settling point not too distant from the kind that largely prevailed until about 2016, under which warm trade ties and a cool political relationship can somehow coexist.

“Albanese has not restored the golden era of Australia-China relations. That is neither possible nor the right ambition,” said Neil Thomas, of the Asia Society Policy Institute Center for China Analysis in Washington. “He has simply brought some calm.”

Another factor driving the quieter tone, and one which is rarely visible from overseas, is Australia’s electoral politics. In a country in which elections are invariably close, that matters.

The professionals overseeing the machines of both major parties acknowledged after the 2022 national election that the Morrison government’s often harsh rhetoric on China contributed to its defeat in a number of key seats.

Nine of the 10 seats with the largest numbers of Chinese-speaking voters turned in swings against Morrison’s Liberal Party, above the averages in comparable areas, according to The Australian Financial Review.

Politicians of all parties have taken note, and the public is so far supportive of the positive turn in bilateral ties.

Besides changing the mood music, after all, Canberra has had to do little to improve ties with Beijing, something that hints at an underlying reality for smaller countries like Australia: They often feel they must kowtow to China’s whims.

Going by the commentary in Chinese state media, Beijing believes it has the upper hand. Improving bilateral ties “requires Australia to overcome internal and external pressures,” the Global Times, a Chinese Communist Party tabloid, said in an editorial in September. “Frankly speaking, Australia has not done enough in this regard and some mistakes are continuing.”

President Xi Jinping has a lot on his plate in the aftermath of his country’s brutal COVID lockdowns, simultaneously trying to reboot a struggling domestic economy and clean up the diplomatic damage from Beijing’s alignment with Russia in Ukraine.

But the stabilization of the Chinese economy in recent months, the successful hosting of the Belt and Road summit in Beijing this month and the U.S.‘s struggles in the Middle East will put a renewed spring in Beijing’s step.

Beijing sees Australia as firmly on Washington’s side in the deepening cleavage between the rival superpowers. Albanese might have built a new foundation for Australia-China ties, but the U.S.-China split is a reminder that there is a ceiling as well.

https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/The-Big-Story/China-Australia-thaw-reveals-limits-of-Beijing-s-economic-coercion?

Reply Quote

Date: 4/11/2023 20:15:19
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2091154
Subject: re: China Politics

As China prepared to cremate former Premier Li Keqiang on Thursday, some residents of his hometown were skeptical of the official account of his death. A number of mourners in eastern Anhui province this week expressed doubt that the former No. 2 official died of a heart attack. Li found himself sidelined by President Xi Jinping before exiting the Politburo Standing Committee a year ago despite being young enough to stay on. His death also comes as a series of unexplained exits among China’s leadership create a heightened sense of mystery around the Communist Party. Xi has recently fired two top ministers, as well as senior generals overseeing the nation’s nuclear arsenal, without explanation. Former leader Hu Jintao—who Xi also diminished after his tenure—was abruptly escorted off-stage during last year’s leadership congress, sparking intense speculation about his status.

Bloomberg Email Newsletter

Reply Quote

Date: 4/11/2023 20:21:45
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2091157
Subject: re: China Politics

At least Elvis is still alive.

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Date: 6/11/2023 07:10:17
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2091511
Subject: re: China Politics

Why Chinese mourn Li Keqiang, their former prime minister
Missing the Communist Party that sought legitimacy through technocratic performance

Nov 2nd 2023

The umbrellas gave them away. Even from a distance, these were unmistakably townsfolk, shielding themselves with parasols from an autumn sun that no Chinese farmer would fear. On and on they trudged: a long column of outsiders, following a country lane between rice paddies and fishponds towards the village of Jiuzi, ancestral home of Li Keqiang, China’s prime minister until his retirement earlier this year.

They were mourners, turning out in their hundreds on this warm Sunday, a few days after Li’s sudden death at the age of 68. Most held bunches of white and yellow chrysanthemums, a funeral flower in China. Under their umbrellas some were formally dressed in black and white. Parents cajoled young children to keep walking, after parking cars in fields well outside the village.

No Communist Party diktat had summoned these grieving citizens. Nor had convoys of buses brought them. Quite the opposite. Official media outlets have played down Li’s death. Instead, state media have devoted their efforts—as always—to extolling Xi Jinping. China’s leader has spent more than a decade concentrating power in his own hands, at the expense of government ministries and of Li Keqiang, who oversaw them as prime minister. The diminishing of Li continues even after his demise. Though terse, his official obituary finds room for four tributes to the leadership of the party central committee “with Xi Jinping at the core”.

For days, censors have deleted large numbers of online tributes to Li, leaving only the blandest untouched. Reports abound of universities banning students from organising memorials. There is a grim logic to this caution. More than once, a public figure’s passing has offered Chinese citizens a chance to stage demonstrations, notably after a former party boss, Hu Yaobang, died in 1989.

For all that discouragement, thousands of Chinese have persisted in leaving flowers and handwritten notes for Li, from Jiuzi to cities where he lived and worked, such as Hefei and Zhengzhou. Some observers, including Chinese intellectuals outside the country, detect in these tributes a challenge to Mr Xi, and a yearning for a more reformist China. One exiled writer calls this moment a “flowers revolution”. Such intellectuals remember Li’s youth as a brilliant law student at Peking University, with an interest in Western legal systems (he helped to translate a book on the rule of law by Lord Denning, a British judge). They are undaunted by Li’s actual record as prime minister from 2013 to 2023. True, they concede, that decade saw the party systematically dismantle checks and balances on its power, and spurn the rule of law in favour of an iron-fisted alternative that Mr Xi calls “law-based governance”. But in their telling, Li’s humiliations make him an icon for others whose hopes have been crushed in Xi-era China.

Chaguan is not about to tell Chinese exiles they are mistaken about their own country. Indeed, despite the censors’ best efforts, social-media users have circulated images of floral tributes and graffiti that do look like anti-Xi complaints. Many of these quote celebrated Li sayings, in particular his pledge that China’s opening to the world is as irreversible as the flow of the Yangzi and Yellow rivers. It is safe to assume the intention is to grumble about the inward-looking nationalism of the Xi era.

For all that, it would be unfair to claim that every mourner for Li is a protester. When this columnist visited Jiuzi, the crowds were on their best behaviour, not defiant or fearful, as would be expected at an actual demonstration in China. Local farmers sold cut-up sugar cane to visitors, as police directed traffic. When asked why they had come, several mourners offered apolitical answers about a local man who reached the top.

A mother who had brought her young son to lay flowers praised Li as “a good premier who did practical things for the people”. Yet listen carefully, and some of that cautious praise was revealing. The mother noted that Li went to the epicentre of the covid-19 pandemic, Wuhan, “at the earliest possible time”. She did not mention that Mr Xi took months to visit Wuhan and never visits natural disasters while they are under way. Perhaps the mother was not thinking of this. But it is a common gripe.

Several people in Jiuzi noted that Li, the son of a rural official, knew poverty as a child. To them, this explained Li’s focus on concrete problems, such as migrant workers not being paid wages they are owed. One man contrasted Li’s humble origins with Mr Xi’s background, as the son of a party elder and Politburo member.

Around China, sites linked to Mr Xi and his family have been lavishly restored as “red tourism” destinations for party pilgrims. In Jiuzi, a farmer recalled talk of beautifying the village after Li achieved high office. But whenever their illustrious ex-neighbour heard of special treatment for Jiuzi, he “would call and tell the local officials not to do it,” the farmer said approvingly.

The death of accountability
Two seemingly disparate groups—angry dissenters and nominally apolitical families laying flowers in Jiuzi—do in fact overlap. The link involves accountability and Li’s willingness to admit that China still has serious problems. At a press conference in 2020, Li shocked some urbanites by reminding them that around 600m Chinese subsist on just 1,000 yuan ($137) a month. He also admitted that covid had hit poor families hard. At other times he called for checks on arbitrary government power and for the public to supervise officials’ work. Many Chinese recall those Li sayings now. They are making a political point whether they admit it or not.

As a reform-era technocrat, Li served a one-party system that sought legitimacy through governing performance. Many Chinese miss that time. That is surely what they mean when they call Li practical and in touch with the masses. Today China has one-man rule and the party rejects external supervision. To admit to problems in this China is to doubt Mr Xi: an impossibility. China will be mourning that loss of accountability for a long time to come.

https://www.economist.com/china/2023/11/02/why-chinese-mourn-li-keqiang?

Reply Quote

Date: 6/11/2023 07:18:48
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2091513
Subject: re: China Politics

Quick roll out the tanks¡

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Date: 18/11/2023 20:49:15
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2095550
Subject: re: China Politics

Taiwan’s opposition parties unite
An election to determine Taiwan’s relations with China just got much closer

Nov 15th 2023 | TAIPEI

Taiwan will hold presidential elections in January that could lead to a significant relaxation of the island-state’s defiant posture towards China. That would be a big geopolitical event. And after Taiwan’s main opposition parties announced on November 15th that they had struck an electoral pact, it looked a lot likelier.

Less than ten days before the deadline to register candidates for the election, Hou Yu-ih of the Nationalist Party, or KMT, and Ko Wen-je of the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP) said they would run on a joint ticket. They had not agreed which of them will be its presidential candidate. But as both are far friendlier towards China than the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), victory for either would bring a big change.

The DPP’s candidate, William Lai, Taiwan’s vice-president, was leading the race in late October with 33% of those polled. By comparison, Mr Ko, a former mayor of Taipei, was on 24% and Mr Hou 22%. (Terry Gou, the billionaire founder of Foxconn and an independent candidate, was polling at 8%.) If the opposition leaders can succeed in pooling their vote-share, they would seem to enter the campaign ahead.

They have not issued a joint policy platform. But both candidates have previously promised to reset cross-strait relations by reopening dialogue with China. The mainland cut off formal talks with Taiwan because the pro-American dpp refuses to affirm that the island-state is part of China. The KMT promises to end the spat by returning to the “1992 consensus”, a vague assertion that there is only one China, with multiple interpretations. Mr Ko says he will not return to the 1992 consensus, which is unpopular in Taiwan. But he has proposed similar formulations, such as: “The two sides of the strait are one family”. He and the kmt both advocate cross-strait exchanges and appeasing rather than resisting (or, in their view, provoking) the Communist Party. This might lower tensions with the mainland. It could also give China much greater influence in Taiwan.

The opposition deal follows months of bickering and haggling between the KMT and TPP. Mr Ko, who is popular among younger voters, had insisted on being the presidential candidate in the event of a deal. But the venerable KMT, which has far more seats in Taiwan’s parliament, was reluctant to yield to the relative parvenu TPP. Under the terms of a deal brokered by Ma Ying-jeou, a former KMT president, the matter will be settled by public opinion. Mr Ma, the KMT and the TPP will each choose a polling expert to review public polls and determine which leader would be the stronger candidate; the decision will be announced on November 18th. Taiwanese commentators disagreed over which candidate this favours.Yet Mr Hou swore to abide by the result: “No matter what the outcome is, whoever gets to be the president and who gets to be deputy, we will work together to make the Republic of China’s land and people safe,” he said.

The opposition parties also pledged to establish Taiwan’s first coalition government. The president would appoint its ministers of defence, mainland affairs and foreign affairs, they said. Other ministers would be chosen separately by the parties based on their relative success in concurrent legislative elections.

Senior Chinese officials have made no secret of their distaste for Mr Lai, who is committed to continuing the policies of President Tsai Ing-wen, his party colleague. They include strengthening ties with America, asserting Taiwan’s sovereignty and hardening the island’s defence. Officials in Beijing recently called the dpp candidate a “Taiwan independence liar” and “hoodlum to the extreme”. In response to the opposition pact, a mainland spokesman urged Taiwanese to “join hands” with the Chinese and oppose independence.

Whether the opposition candidates can indeed combine their votes is unclear, says Nathan Batto of Academia Sinica, a Taiwanese research institution. Mr Ko’s Gen-Z supporters may balk at his teaming up with the conservative kmt. Some of the kmt’s local factions have seemed reluctant to embrace Mr Ko. The alliance could “explode”, says Mr Batto. But if it holds, the opposition ticket will be formidable. That is good news for the Communist Party.

https://www.economist.com/asia/2023/11/15/taiwans-opposition-parties-unite?

Reply Quote

Date: 19/03/2024 23:06:10
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2137020
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s official news outlets have marked the new year of the dragon with much “positive energy”. A new-year letter by a Beijing-based journalist, Li Chengpeng, offers a darker take. Swiftly censored within China, it has been translated by Geremie Barmé, an Australian sinologist, for the Asia Society’s online magazine, ChinaFile.

Translator’s Introduction
Li Chengpeng (李承鹏, born in 1968), also known as “Big-eyed Li,” had a successful career as a popular sports reporter in Beijing. He enjoyed early notoriety for his reporting on corruption in soccer, which is a national obsession, and his political ambitions. In recent years, Li has come to be known for social commentary and his scathing essays on current affairs. For the most part, his work circulates in China unofficially and he also publishes a column in Yibao, an independent media site operating outside the People’s Republic of China.

In late 2022, Li published “Take it from me, we are losing the war because we can salute too well,” a letter addressed to the year 2022. The title is a quotation from All Quiet on the Western Front, a famous anti-war novel by Erich Maria Remarque. In the letter, Li observes that:

In retrospect, a lot of the things that happened during 2022 seem ridiculous, even absurd. Upon closer inspection, however, they still reflect the irrefutable logic of power. When an organisation is not constrained in any way and is under no pressure to respond to public opinion, it can easily claim to enjoy unquestioned moral authority. It can then go about brainwashing society and mobilizing people to go about doing evil with a sense of holy purpose, even when that evil is directed at oppressing themselves . . . he upshot is to further entrench unrestrained power and enhance the belief among the power-holders that they are possessed of some kind of moral superiority. The cycle is self-perpetuating and it reinforces itself.”

The Xi Jinping era has variously been described as an “age of stagnation,” an “age of malaise,” and an “empire of tedium.” Likewise, Li Chengpeng’s abiding attitude is summed up in the letter: “when I think of 2022 I feel that even if we don’t deserve the kind of ‘red dignity’ , at least we can hold on to our black humor.”

Similarly, the tenor of the letter that Li addresses to the year 2023, translated below, is suffused with black humor. The style is lapidary and Li punctuates his prose with references both to current affairs and to historical figures and incidents. Where necessary, explanatory material has been added in square brackets, although some references have required notes.

Li posted the essay online on January 2, 2024. It was widely reposted and, although scrubbed by China’s censors, PDF and other versions are still in circulation.

—Geremie Barmé

Year 202X: The Devilish Details in the Big Story
According to the traditional Chinese calendar, 2023 was a “Water Rabbit” year. People who read auguries predicted that the country would be prone to flooding.1

A video shot during the Zhuozhou floods showed a man screaming as he desperately held onto a pillar, struggling not to be sucked into a whirlpool: “Where’s emergency rescue?” he screams. “Why aren’t they here yet. . ?” After a moment, the shouting stops as he’s swept away, and then you see him floating by a car that’s also caught in the rising floodwaters, along with tables and chairs from a restaurant. Then, he simply disappears.

Another video recorded a woman wading through the surging waters with her mother on her back. Turns out she’d been driving to the local hospital when the rising waters stalled her engine. She found shelter in a roadside shop just in time to see her car being swept away. The floodwater reaches her waist and you see her struggling to find higher ground. When the waters took the pair, her expression seemed to reflect a lifetime of indomitable struggle.

We’ll never know how many people drowned during the floods of 2023, although I’m sure no statistics would have dampened the buoyant message of the propagandists: “The will of the people is as solid as the Great Wall, love is everywhere,” was one line that they came up with. Another went: “The Heavens have opened up and the floodwaters may be a vicious beast, but the heroes fighting in Zhuozhou remain undaunted.”

They still think that by emphasizing the Big Picture, the “Grand Narrative,” they are feeding us the kind of aphrodisiac that will uplift the spirits of the suffering masses.

During the Tang dynasty, the commander Zhang Xun, in his efforts to feed the troops under his command who were protecting the capital Chang’an from a rebellion, sacrificed his beloved concubine. The wrenching decision was praised as a demonstration of loyalty to the court. This time around, so that the Xiong’an New Area could be kept safe, it didn’t matter that a few ants ended up being drowned.2

The newspaper Southern Weekly used to be classy like Lin Dayu , but over time it turned into Pan Jinlian . That was bad enough, but today that paper is little better than Yu Dan . Its New Year’s Message this year went: “May the first rays of the new year’s sun well up in your depths, protect your inner well being, vouchsafe your lifestyle, and ensure you maintain your unwavering bottom lines. Even if the way ahead appears unclear, you should still choose to be the best you. You should be proactive in what you think and do and be open to what comes your way.”

It’s all pretty grubby.3

Given the fact that so many people had died I thought that it was ill-judged for Southern Weekly to issue a call for its readers to “protect their inner well being.” It was also pretty rich to enjoin people to “vouchsafe your lifestyle and ensure you maintain your unwavering bottom lines,” as the economy was tanking. Other end-of-year retrospectives and essays that talked about the upcoming year were even more thoroughly Chicken Soup for the Soul in tone. They talk about the scars that we’re covered in as though they are nothing more than decorative tattoos; they celebrate the trials and tribulations that people have experienced as though they are medals that we are supposed to wear with pride.

If you really want to put a positive spin on all of this, the best you could say is that it’s a kind of “spiritual massage therapy.” Unfortunately, a far more distasteful style of propaganda prose has reared its ugly head once more. It’s the kind of thing we saw back in the early 1990s and it was known as “embracing the positivity of the sun.” According to such boosterism, no matter how beaten down you were by hard work, you were always supposed to hold on tight to “the beam of sunlight” in your core being. The propagandists are like the eunuch scribes of dynastic China who, even before the emperor had an orgasm, were groaning in anticipation.

Since the zero-COVID restrictions were lifted , things haven’t really improved that much. The grim reality of our everyday lives has been laid bare and COVID can no longer be used as an excuse to cover it up. People see no reason to be hopeful. What’s even worse is that they have given up on the idea of hope itself. Confronted by all of the lies, they cooperate, collaborate, and even participate in planning for the next stage of wreckage. Even though everyone has a countdown clock ticking away in their heads, the only part that can be said out loud is summed up in that trite slogan “May the Fatherland Prosper, the Nation be Peaceful, and the People Content.” On the surface, friend groups are all harmonious and ideal. Whether it be in the corridors of power, in the theaters, or in the bars, it’s impossible to gauge just who is fooling whom.

But there I go giving in to my own “meta narrative.” Forgive me.

When it comes down to it, 2023 was also a year made for the dead.

Suddenly,Jiang Yanyong passed away. It never occurred to me that he might leave us; he was a permanent fixture at the 301 Hospital. He might not have been able to shine in his own right, but after a major snowfall, that lump you saw in the bland landscape reminded you that he was still there. At the end of 2020, before the pandemic was over, a nephew of his told me over a meal in Hangzhou that: “My uncle is doing okay. . .” After that big snow, people raised a glass to West Lake and also expressed their respects for that honorable man, a solitary hero like Wu Liuqi .

It’s been so long now that not many people know about Jiang Yanyong anymore. They don’t know that 20 years ago he withstood tremendous official pressure and revealed the truth about SARS to the international media. His actions taken in the face of all of the official lies helped prevent that epidemic from spreading out of control. It also resulted in his spending his remaining years condemned to a form of “locked-in syndrome.”

Then, just as suddenly, Gao Yaojie also left us. For all intents and purposes, she’d been forced into exile and people were grieved to learn that she’d died in a dingy apartment in the suburbs of New York. They didn’t need to feel sorry about her denouement since, back in the day, Gao had suffered far worse in China. After all, back in the day the authorities had made her live in a mortuary for eight months. Then, her 13-year-old son had also been implicated and although he was too young to be put on trial, the authorities, ever mindful of legal niceties, devised an ingenious workaround: they added three years to his statutory age. As a 16-year-old, he was deemed to be legally culpable for his actions and so they meted out the punishment that he so richly deserved.

There’s often a dark elegance in the way they resolve things.

There were similar examples of such dark elegance in 2023, particularly in the way that the authorities dealt with other deaths and legal cases. Their mopping-up operations were finely wrought, akin to the craftsmanship of a traditional artisan, or the mastery of a chocolatier. To avoid the taboo of talking directly about the dead, let me just say that their machinations were as seamless as something produced by a cyborg.

Officially, no one paid any attention to Jiang Yanyong, a man of monumental stature, nor did they care about Gao Yaojie, even though she shone like a star. Instead, with their heads bowed, people continued to scrounge in the muck. Looking up at those exemplars might have proved to be far too costly.

So those deaths passed by in silence, and in China silent deaths don’t really count at all. Other deaths didn’t register either. There was Zhu Ling, the student at Tsinghua University, who didn’t really die from thallium poisoning, nor was that high-school student Hu Xinyu strangled with a shoelace. Nor, for that matter, was that other student at Shangqiu in Ningling county—they didn’t have their hands and feet broken, nor was their body punctured by numerous holes before they “fell” from a rooftop. As for the 11 members of the volleyball team buried alive when that gymnasium in that northeastern city collapsed on them, well, they didn’t count either. . .

I’ve always gotten Qiqihar and Jiamusi mixed up, and now I’m even more confused. Speaking of which, I’m also damned befuddled by the details of all of those “dead ants,” A-B-C-D, one-two-three-four—the list goes on. This year, the statistics included people at the pinnacle of the system as well as those mired in the dust below. . . Then again, there’s really no need to work out who’s who. We’re all just digits, the carbohydrate underbelly of their digital currency.

By 2023, it really didn’t seem as though things could get any more absurd. But then, gradually, I got the feeling I was actually living in an AI-generated virtual world. Take this, for example: In May, a student in Wuhan was run over and killed by a teacher. When the grief-stricken mother went to the school demanding to know what had happened, the overwhelming tenor of online comments focused on the bereft woman’s appearance: she was criticized for wearing a Burberry heritage trench coat which “cost over 10,000 yuan,” for one thing, and people wrote things like “You’ve really gotta wonder how she makes her money, and how come she’s caked her face in so much makeup?” Then there was this line of attack: “She’s probably trying to extort money .” Overwhelmed by the online abuse, the grieving mother killed herself by jumping off a building.

Human nature, human beings. . . Daresay every vile individual in Sodom also found a way to justify their appalling behavior. And appalling behavior is so commonplace these days that, ultimately, there’s simply no room for basic decency, no standard by which to judge moral behavior. The last shreds of humanity have been stripped away by the phony high dudgeon . That’s why so many people fled our Sodom during 2023. They “rùn” overseas without looking back, afraid that if they do they might turn into a pillar of salt.4

I’ll never forget that old aunty who chose to “walk the line,” and that determined expression on her face as she cast her luggage into the river before jumping in herself. She swam so desperately that it looked as though something or someone was chasing her. I couldn’t tell if the river was in Ecuador or Chile.5 Either way, I guess there weren’t any crocodiles in it, though I do know why she was so desperate to escape: She was fleeing her old life in China.

When she finally made it to the other shore, lots of people who saw the video on their phones let out a roar of celebration. She was no longer a desperate refugee, and that’s because she’d realized a dream that so many people secretly harbor, one that in the context of the Official Big China Story is a totemic representation of our piddling existence. There was an epic quality about it.

2023 really was a year marked by death in other ways. Apart from the ant-like commoners that I touched on in the above, there were also people like that premier who’d famously said that the Yangtze and Yellow Rivers would never flow backward . It’s hard to know just how the waters are flowing these days, though one thing is certain: that premier has been swept away.

His death made me think of some of China’s other famous historian premiers like Li Si , Wang Anshi , as well as Yu Qian and Zhang Juzheng . In my mind’s eye, it was as though I could see Zhang Juzheng in a palanquin born aloft by 32 bearers and I wondered if he ever wondered how things might turn out for him. The Empire remains unchanged, and today the rules of the game are just as they were. What’s different is that it’s all being done in the name of a different cause.

During the year, any perceived atmospheric change inspired revolutionary dreamers to imagine that perhaps this or that incident might have some significant impact on the future. All I have to say to those fantasists is no way and not a chance. The fundamentals are solid and people are keeping their heads down and going about their business without concerning themselves with when the next deluge may hit.

To die in silence and unknown barely even counts as a death these days. But there’s another kind of death; it’s called “living death.”

I’m thinking of that video that circulated online that showed a group of ride-hailing drivers in Shanghai who, exhausted after having worked 16 hours straight, came up with a novel solution. They realized that going home after the last fare would not only be a waste of gas, it also ate into the limited time they had to sleep. If, say, their last fare was in Hongqiao, in the far west of the city, and they lived in Pudong, over in the east, the driver calculated that just to make it back home was the equivalent of two full fares. So, this one driver prepared his overnight gear—quilt, water kettle, and so on—and when he clocked out he found a parking lot so he could sleep in his car. . . Some drivers worked out that they were better off doing food delivery since it allowed them more free time. When you hit your middle years, to have more time to do what you want really matters. The focus on freedom was really unsettling. There’s been a 120 percent increase in the number of ride-hailing drivers. Before, they mostly had factory jobs and a middle-class income of a few hundred thousand; now, they’re little more than modern-day Rickshaw Boys. In reality, they’d always been like coolies, the only difference is that instead of running a computer with a keyboard, they find themselves behind a steering wheel.

Elon Musk claims that with advances in AI, human evolution will soon result in silicon-based life forms. In my opinion, that’s a fairly simplistic view. Here in China we have Marx, so we don’t need Musk; we’re already a highly evolved carbon-based AI life form—China has 1.4 billion obedient robots that follow orders, work 24/7, and dutifully pay their taxes. Because we take care of ourselves and don’t require maintenance, we are superior in every way to Musk’s silicon robots. We are also self-replicating and autonomously bring up the future generations that will replace us.

I have some good news, too. After his gym business went under, Hank, a buddy from my home town in Chengdu, lived off his wife for a while. He was a talented physicist and, back in the day, he’d even come second place in a bodybuilding competition at college. Now, overnight, he was unemployed. I told him not to take it to heart because he could always teach physics and tell his wife what E=mc2 really meant, that is to say: no matter how hard you try to outstrip the speed of light matter remains a constant, and no matter how hard the average shit-kicker works they can’t outstrip their lowly social status.

My knowledge of economics doesn’t extend beyond memorizing my bank card number and even then I can’t always remember it. In 2023, you could ask Wu Jinglian what he thought about China’s macro economic environment. There was also Zhang Weiying and Xu Xiaonian . Or you could check out the statistics produced by Lao Man.He Jiangbing wasn’t too bad, either.

In retrospect, 2023 really was a year of trivial odds and ends, the devilish details in the Big Story that is China:

Three years ago, I repeatedly urged my buddy Haotao to sell off the property he has in Tongzhou , but he wanted to hang on until he was sure he could make an extra 500,000 yuan profit. In 2023, even though he’d dropped his asking price by a million yuan, no one was interested. When he came running to me full of complaints, all I could say was that he’d been an “utter shit-head.” That hurt. “Hey, Peng,” he said, “when did you literary types start bad-mouthing people like me?” Weird, since although I’d been right all along he somehow thought that the onus was on me to “act in a civilized and uplifting manner” just like the propagandists tell us. But I’ll leave that kind of good behavior to the people in commercial real estate. Anyway, I’ve decided that from now on I’m not going to tell it like it is. Instead, I’ll applaud and support friends like Haotao at every turn and reassure them that every decision they make is correct.

Another friend, Tuode, is from Shenyang. He said his barber told him that people used to get their haircut around 10 times a year but now they’re letting go and getting it cut six or maybe seven times a year tops. Dye jobs and perms are even less popular. Having your hair cut is a necessity. Hair is just likegarlic chives, it grows back after each harvest. . . If people really want to cut back on expenses, there are lots of things they can do. After all, if you let your hair grow out for say three to five years, you’ll have it long enough to braid into a queue, just like in the Qing dynasty .

One online post says that fortune tellers suffered a major loss in income during 2023. People just weren’t interested in having someone foretell their fate because they’d decided simply to give in to fate. Having said that, fortune-telling has been enjoying a wave of popularity among younger people. Apart from a new fad for reading Tarot cards, the thing youngsters do is “seek the advice of one’s Spirit Guide.” According to this belief, we all have a Spirit Guide who follows us through life. When you can’t find a job or earn a living it’s because you’ve lost your Spirit Guide, but if you seek out an adept, they can help invite them back into your life—whether it be the Huang Daxian, the Green or White Dragon Sages, or a Great Fox Spirit. Business is booming among spiritualists and you have to make a booking even to get a reading. It’s about as popular as going to the hospital to deal with minor ailments.

It would appear that when you’ve lost faith in the state, you seek solace in the realm of spirits. That’s how the Way of the Five Pecks of Rice school of Taoism appeared in the first place .

Of course, the state still has some big tricks up its own sleeve. When the Hebei district government in Tianjin ran out of money to pay its civil servants, it approached the Chan Temple of Great Compassion for a large loan. Although it kept the city going until July, they had to go back for more. This time the abbot complained: “Over the centuries, I’ve never heard of the government begging for alms from a temple.” That abbot had better watch his tongue, if you ask me. I’m pretty sure that it’s only a matter of time before the state decides to re-nationalize the finances of all the temples. When Wutai Shan is forced to hand over their offering box, the national budget will probably get a 440 percent shot in the arm.

Ultimately, it’s all in the planning: We live in a society where life is planned, as is death; we have a planned economy and planned beliefs. If you really want me to say what I think about the prospects for the year 2024, I’d venture the following:

In the old days, when they made a statue of the Buddha, they placed various propitious objects inside it, like the five grains or silver and gold ingots. In the future, I think they’ll put a Party membership card in the Buddha’s belly, so that devotees can both avoid making political errors and be confident that the Enlightened One will lead them on the correct path to salvation.

Anyway, I don’t see that there was all that much difference between 1949 and 1979, nor for that matter can I detect how 1962 and 2022 were different.
I’ve written all of this because friends urged me to offer some reflections on the year gone by and jot down a few thoughts for the upcoming year. But I didn’t want to waste my time looking up data points. Anyway, I don’t see that there was all that much difference between 1949 and 1979, nor for that matter can I detect how 1962 and 2022 were different.

My advice as this new year begins is, don’t just stand out on your balcony chanting “Embrace the New Year, a New Year and New Beginning.” And don’t be fooled into thinking that just because it’s a new year you’ll be paying off your mortgage any time soon, or you’ll be elevated to some new social status. You’re not passing the new year as much as the new year is already passing you by. It’s speeding along as if it were a runner in a relay race and, as the baton is passed on, you’re going to find yourself struggling between the pumping legs of the racers. What you have to do is “remember your mission and hold true to your original intentions” —regardless of the year, people like you and me are just like a bunch of garlic chives; we are all “huminerals”! And, I know that no matter what university my kids end up studying at, in the end it is just another “mining college” .6

My buddy Brother Hai has this architectural firm that employed a particularly energetic and ambitious young architect. A few years after graduating, he went on to establish his own business, which got to work on quite a few big projects with the support of the Evergrande property developers. It was all going gangbusters until Evergrande imploded, leaving them with a pile of debts. Now, this young fellow’s company was little more than a holding operation. To keep the show on the road he took out some high-interest loans, but before long he found himself in a vicious cycle of debt that landed him on the list of untrustworthy investments. Now he’s working in security down in Shenzhen.

Speaking of Evergrande, people seem to be obsessed with stories about Bai Shanshan, the lissome impresario in charge of Evergrande’s controversial performing arts troupe. She’s a celebrated beauty who is also noted for her acrobatic talent.7 You could say that she is a femme fatale in the mode of other traditional beauties. Remember, after all, the Ming dynasty was brought low by the concubine Chen Yuanyuan, and that beautiful women always seem to be involved in the end of empires.8 Nowadays, no one dares take on the state banks that gave Hui Ka Yan, the director of Evergrande, to task. Instead, they focus their smutty gossip on a woman who can do the splits. It’s really pathetic.

So many people crowded into commercial plazas in Shenzhen to watch the New Year’s shows on the massive LED screens that a few operators shut it all down . Everyone was left to celebrate in the dark, and still no one wanted to go home. They chanted the countdown to midnight while making their New Year’s resolutions. Maybe they believed that under the cloak of darkness they had a better chance of attracting good fortune. Some people in the crowds prayed that real estate prices would rebound to pre-COVID levels; others prayed equally fervently for them to drop even further. Despite everyone’s wildly different hopes, they all gathered in front of the massive blank LED screens, all living in the same world but with vastly disparate dreams. I wonder if the failed young architect who now works in security in Shenzhen was in the crowd.

The year 2023 started out with a Grand Narrative , but it ended up mired in trivial details—and the devil is in just such details. They say that back when the feel-good film “Amazing China” was all the rage , in aggregate the tech companies Alibaba, Tencent, Baidu, and Meituan had a market valuation in excess of Apple’s 50 billion USD. Today, however, if you combine the total value of the top 100 or so Chinese tech companies, you’ll realize that the figure doesn’t even match Apple. That’s the kind of devilish detail that I’m talking about.

Well may people ask: So what’s gone on over these last few years that’s landed us all here?

Forgive me if I quote that clichéd line from Cheng Dieyi in the 1993 film Farewell My Concubine: “You just think that those vile types have brought disaster raining down on us? That’s not it, no. No way! We’ve done it to ourselves, bit by bit, step by step.”

It’s stagnation, or worse, rigor mortis. People are no longer confident that things can be resuscitated. Even worse, they don’t particularly care if it really is “game over.” It’s like when a skydiver jumps out of a plane only to discover that instead of carrying a parachute on their back, all they’ve got is a school satchel. That’s the way it is. So don’t go imagining that there’s going to be some “historical inflection point.” The inflection point came back in 1949, that’s when they wrote the final script for this particular production.

I just watched the New Year message . When I did an online search, I found that this key message was a reworking of a famous line by Mo Yan, the Nobel Laureate:

“In life, storms are the normal state of affairs. A positive mental attitude will allow you to weather them with equanimity. The way you should approach things is to advance regardless of the conditions.”

I accept that winds and rain are the norm, but my advice and my wish is that things might be better if they don’t actually go around seeding the clouds.

Maybe we can gauge the direction the winds are blowing in China from those young people in Hunan . On the night of Christmas Day they marched with banners held high, chanting slogans like “Down with the Capitalists!” and “We Want to Return to the Mao Era!” I’d advise you to face the fact that they are by no means a small minority. They are giving voice to the sentiments of a large swathe of enthusiastic young people in China today. Back in the day, their parents celebrated the new year by marching around with red flags. And I get the feeling that these young people today want to fulfill the unfinished mission of their parent’s generation.

So, when it all comes down to it, China has no real “new year.” Every new year now passes by just like all the old years that have come before. As such, there’s never been any real “renewal of life,” and that’s why what I have written here is not really a summation of the year 2023, nor a prospectus for the year 2024. Moreover, I believe that from here on in, many new years in China’s future will be pretty much a repetition of the same old year. That’s why I’ve titled this essay “202X,” meaning “the year 202-whatever.”

In a New Year’s essay that Wang Xiaobo wrote in 1997, he said: “I hope in the new year all manner of odd things will pass us by and that everyone will be able to realize the full extent of their humanity.” Wang surprised everyone with this statement, but he wrote it because he was himself a fully realized human being. We, however, long ago became an integral part of all of the oddities of our age, and the most we can hope for is to be a little kinder to our families, even if only a little bit. The previous generation, our present generation, and the next generation might all have been born into the Grand Narrative, but ultimately we’ll end up mired in the myriad devilish details behind the Big Story.

Or, maybe we’ll all be like that old auntie in the all-weather jacket who cast her luggage into the river before diving in to swim “over the line,” desperate for another life. Her situation was completely different from that of the guy who was swept away by the flood waters of Zhuozhou, along with all of the tables and chairs of that restaurant. Poor bastard, he didn’t even count as a statistic.

—Li Chengpeng, January 2, 202X

An old adage says that “If the coming year is the Water Rabbit, you won’t see the sky from spring to autumn” 明年迎水兔,春秋不见天.↩

Xiong’an was created in 2017 as a “city of the future.” It is a hi-tech government town southwest of Beijing. Built on reclaimed marshlands, the area is prone to flooding. In the summer of 2023, a coordinated government effort to protect the Area only exacerbated the disastrous flooding in rural Hebei province. “Ants” (蝼蚁, lóu yǐ) is a widely used unofficial term for workers and average people.↩

Founded in the 1980s, Southern Weekly was once the most liberal newspaper in China and its annual New Year’s Message was regarded as being something of a political bellwether. It was also one of the first victims of the Xi Jinping era. In 2013, the paper’s Message addressed Xi Jinping’s keynote theme of “The China Dream” by controversially declaring that the nation was actually dreaming of constitutional rule, first promoted by the Republic of China in 1912 and realized in Taiwan starting in 1996. Reflecting the aspirations of liberal activists and professionals, this was a direct challenge to the Communist Party and Xi Jinping. At the last minute, the paper’s New Year’s Message was replaced by a bland editorial composed by the local propaganda authorities. This in turn led to many of the journalists going on strike. After the controversy died down, most members of the rebellious editorial staff of the newspaper were fired.↩

The term “rùn” (润) is a homophone for “run,” or to flee, a common term used to describe people who feel that they have no prospects in China and have relocated overseas.↩

Many immigrants to the U.S. pass through the Darién Gap in Panama. In Chinese, the journey is known as “zǒu xiàn” (走线), or “walking the line.” Most of these illegal immigrants come from a lower middle-class background.↩

“Garlic chives” (韭菜, jiǔcài) is a vegetable that continues growing after each harvest. It is a popular term used to describe the boundlessly renewable resource of young men and women of working age. In 2022, another old sardonic term for “The People” enjoyed renewed currency. Rén kuàng (人矿), literally “human mine”—also Huminerals, Renmine, Humine, and Humore—first coined in the early 1980s, was widely used to describe the expendable nature of working people.↩

The troupe is controversial, as is Bai Shanshan, because its creation was unrelated to the core real estate business of Evergrande and it was seen as an “influence operation” used by the company to curry favor with local Party bureaucrats.↩

Chen Yuanyuan was the concubine of the late-Ming-dynasty general Wu Sangui, who was in charge of the defenses at the Great Wall. Wu’s obsession with Chen led him to allow the invading Manchu troops through the Great Wall after which they occupied the Ming capital, Beijing.

https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/viewpoint/when-it-all-comes-down-it-china-has-no-real-new-year?

Reply Quote

Date: 7/05/2024 22:36:34
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2152111
Subject: re: China Politics

Desmond Shum on how Xi Jinping beat down China’s red aristocrats
It took one of their own to do it, says the businessman and author

Apr 22nd 2024

The red aristocrats of modern Communist China behave very similarly to the blue-blood aristocrats of the Western world in medieval times. This elite group is distinguished by its hereditary bloodlines: it includes descendants of revolutionaries who fought alongside Mao Zedong and the children of those who ran China after the Communist takeover in 1949. Because of their high social standing, these red aristocrats—sometimes referred to as “princelings”—enjoy privileged access and influence in every aspect of Chinese society. Their awareness of their status can sometimes instil in them a sense of noblesse oblige.

This is an extremely exclusive group—and its archetype would be Xi Jinping, general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) and the country’s president. As a son of Xi Zhongxun, a member of Mao’s ruling cadre, Mr Xi was segregated from normal society at birth: he was most likely born in the special ward of a hospital in Beijing reserved for ccp aristocrats. He grew up in a gated compound reserved for senior party figures. He was admitted to Tsinghua University not on merit but because of who he was.

Mr Xi started his political career as secretary to a leader in the Central Military Commission, a highly selective position for someone yet to exhibit talent and prowess. He went on to be groomed by the Central Party Organisation Department, again because of his bloodline, and rose steadily through the ccp’s ranks. “Power has to be handed over to our children; if not, our graves will be dug up later on,” Chen Yun, a former vice-premier, said to Deng Xiaoping after the Tiananmen massacre in 1989. Mr Xi was fast-tracked in his bureaucratic career path, gaining promotions in two-to-three-year intervals over a 30-year span. For a normal comrade, a promotion every five years would be considered good fortune.

During Mr Xi’s ascent to the ccp’s ultimate leadership role, the red-aristocrat clan was his strongest support base. However, the relationship became complicated after he assumed power in 2012, and with his subsequent efforts to solidify his control.

In the past, there had been unspoken power-sharing among prominent red families. This allowed some to exert strong political influence over provinces, others over major industries, and a few over both. It was, for instance, well understood within certain segments of Chinese society that the family of Ye Jianying “owned” Guangdong, the family of Wang Zhen “controlled” Xinjiang and the family of Li Peng had a lock on the electric-power industry. This oligopolistic arrangement reaped astronomical financial profits for some families.

Mr Xi innately views the other prominent families as potential threats to his dictatorial rule. Certainly, you can argue that only the red clan, with its resources and bloodline entitlement, could mount a fight strong enough to topple him.

In response, Mr Xi has dealt severely with members of the clan who have shown opposition or voiced criticism of him—among them Bo Xilai, a former Politburo member and party secretary in Chongqing, whose political ambition led to his imprisonment; and Ren Zhiqiang, the ex-head of a state-owned property company, whose public criticism of Mr Xi, such as calling him “a clown with no clothes on”, earned him an 18-year sentence. Mr Xi has also “encouraged” other red aristocrats to retire from their senior leadership roles in the People’s Liberation Army.

China has a long history of emperors playing off bureaucrats from the peasantry against those from the hereditary aristocracy. Mr Xi has acted no differently. To further strengthen his control and continue loosening the red aristocracy’s long-term hold on political power, he has consistently elevated bureaucrats from outside the red bloodlines to the ccp’s central power functions. Witness the makeup of the seven-member Politburo Standing Committee, the party’s top leadership body, not a single current member of which could be viewed as having red-aristocratic lineage. This has never happened before.

In addition to the loss of political prerogative, red aristocrats have suffered significant economic losses under Mr Xi. As China’s major wealth-owners, red aristocrats have shouldered a disproportionate share of the heavy losses suffered by Chinese stocks in recent years.

The wealth accumulated by the red families in recent decades, both onshore and offshore, is an important part of their power. The offshore wealth is also their insurance policy if things don’t pan out in China. How Mr Xi chooses to handle those riches—and the extent to which he is prepared to confiscate them in order to keep the clan compliant—is, therefore, of paramount importance to the red aristocrats.

Confiscation of wealth as a way to bring down politically powerful or financially influential figures has been used throughout Chinese history—including by the ccp since it took power in 1949. Mr Xi has already targeted several red billionaires. A recent case in point is the downfall of Wu Xiaohui, founder of Anbang Insurance Group and grandson-in-law of Deng Xiaoping. In 2018 he was sentenced to 18 years in prison and stripped of his entire stake in the company, which he had founded.

Furthermore, restraints have been placed on the red aristocrats’ creation of new wealth. The last-minute cancellation of the initial public offering by Alibaba’s Ant Group in 2020, for instance, prevented numerous red families from monetising their shares in the business. Rumour had it that the order to cancel the flotation came from the highest level.

The red aristocrats’ web of influence, stretching across the bureaucracy, the armed forces and business, has been spun over the seven decades since the ccp took over China. They continue to enjoy exclusive privileges—including the right to engage in politically themed gatherings—and remain a cohesive and influential group. But their grip on power has been loosened by one of their own. After a decade of power being concentrated through Mr Xi’s “anti-corruption” movement, the clans are no longer strong enough to pose a serious political threat to him. Their heyday is over.

https://www.economist.com/by-invitation/2024/04/22/desmond-shum-on-how-xi-jinping-beat-down-chinas-red-aristocrats?

Reply Quote

Date: 14/05/2024 17:49:06
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2154191
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s secret spy
For the first time ever, an undercover agent for China’s secret police steps out of the shadows to tell all about where he’s been and who he’s been targeting.

https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-05-13/china-spy-secret-police-agent-tells-all-four-corners/103826708

Reply Quote

Date: 14/05/2024 17:51:34
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2154192
Subject: re: China Politics

Last night’s ‘Four Corners’:

Chinese police were allowed into Australia to speak with a woman. They breached protocol and escorted her back to China

https://amp.abc.net.au/article/103840578

Reply Quote

Date: 14/05/2024 17:58:00
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2154193
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Last night’s ‘Four Corners’:

Chinese police were allowed into Australia to speak with a woman. They breached protocol and escorted her back to China

https://amp.abc.net.au/article/103840578

Reply Quote

Date: 14/05/2024 20:14:42
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2154240
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Last night’s ‘Four Corners’:

Chinese police were allowed into Australia to speak with a woman. They breached protocol and escorted her back to China

https://amp.abc.net.au/article/103840578


Look between one English speaking cuntry and another they should’ve just killed them in the car park,

Reply Quote

Date: 21/05/2024 21:28:08
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2156740
Subject: re: China Politics

China mulls a bold test of taxation without representation
With revenue declining, its leaders must figure out how to collect more money

May 2nd 2024|Hong Kong

Chairman Mao Zedong was a fan of meetings. “Whenever problems arise, call a meeting,” he wrote in 1949. “Place problems on the table.” Otherwise, he warned, they can drag on for years. A tableful of problems now beset China’s economy, including deflation, debt distress and demographic decline. A property slump has eroded confidence and hurt the land sales that help finance local governments. China also faces growing opposition from trading partners, who are limiting what they sell and buy from a country they now count as a geopolitical rival.

In response, China’s rulers have finally called a big meeting. On April 30th they announced that the party’s central committee will hold its third plenary session in July, gathering together over 370 committee members and their understudies. The third plenum, one of seven full meetings held over a typical five-year term, is traditionally devoted to reform and the economy. The session in 1978 enshrined China’s turn towards the market, making it one of the most consequential meetings in history. The most recent gathering in 2018 was also significant, for better or worse, paving the way for Xi Jinping, China’s ruler, to serve indefinitely as president.

The meeting in July will be more than six months later than usual. The long delay stirred some speculation that China’s rulers were divided about the country’s direction. But the procrastination might also have indicated the opposite: that China’s economic strategy is largely settled, leaving no urgent need for a plenum to resolve debates. Gabriel Wildau of Teneo, a consultancy, guesses the third plenum will be a “nothingburger”, reiterating Mr Xi’s ambition to refocus the economy on high-tech manufacturing.

But although the government’s economic aims appear largely settled, what remains unclear is how it will pay for them. Even as the state has become more intrusive in recent years, government revenues have retreated (see chart 1). In yuan terms, revenue declined by 2.3% in the first quarter, compared with a year earlier, the third quarterly fall in a row. That is the longest spell of falling revenues in data going back to 1990. At another big economic meeting in December, the party said it should plan a new round of fiscal and tax reforms. A third plenum could give those reforms more momentum.

New sources of revenue are sorely needed. During China’s property boom, its local governments relied on land sales to supplement their budgets. But sales fell in value by over 13% last year and may never revive. The problem is not confined to property. The money flowing into China’s “general” budget (which excludes land sales and social-security contributions) exceeded 22% of gdp in 2015 but fell below 17% in the last four quarters. The erosion of China’s revenue base was one reason why the outlook for its credit rating was cut by Fitch, a ratings agency, last month.

What explains this erosion? One answer is slowing growth and the government’s efforts to revive it. China’s previous prime minister, Li Keqiang, who served from 2013 to 2023, was something of a “small-government Keynesian” in his response to weak demand. Most Keynesians believe that economic downturns can be offset by bigger budget deficits. The rarer breed of small-government Keynesian prefers to increase the deficit by cutting taxes rather than raising spending. “China has led the way in slashing taxes and fees,” Mr Li boasted in his annual speech to parliament in 2018. He made similar boasts in his next five speeches, too.

For now China can fill the gap between its spending ambitions and its diminished revenues by borrowing. Yields on its existing bonds are low. And in March it said it would issue new “ultra” long-term bonds in each of the next several years. By 2028, when another third plenum will fall due, China’s broad government debt could exceed 140% of gdp, according to imf projections (see chart 2). That would exceed the figure for America, a country China often chides for fiscal irresponsibility.

Over the long term, China’s government will need other ways to mobilise resources. The third plenum in 2013 highlighted plans for a new property tax (a recurring levy on the value of people’s homes). Political momentum for such a tax seemed to be building in 2021. But it dropped off the legislative agenda last year amid fears that it would worsen the property downturn. “The idea is now pretty clearly dead,” argues Andrew Batson of Gavekal Dragonomics, a research firm.

The other obvious source of revenue is the income tax. In the g7 group of rich countries these taxes are a mainstay, contributing over 37% of tax revenues on average. In China they contribute only 8.5%. Most people pay nothing at all. According to Sebastian Beer and Daniel Garcia-Macia of the imf, the bottom 70% of China’s population escape any obligation thanks to a generous basic deduction. For higher earners, the rate rises steeply. But only a tiny fraction pay the top rate of 45%.

Instead of progressive income taxes, China relies on a regressive alternative. It requires employees and their employers to make hefty contributions to various social-insurance funds, including pensions. In many parts of the country, the combined contribution rate is even higher than the g7 average. But because contributions are capped, they fall less heavily on the highest paid. As a consequence, China’s tax schedule looks less like a staircase, rising step by step with higher incomes, and more like the undulating Great Wall (see chart 3).

China’s peculiar pattern of revenue-raising is not an accident. It reveals something about the character and limits of China’s authoritarian regime. Modern states are defined by their power to tax. Their fiscal apparatus noses into every corner of the economy. But as states penetrate society, society tends to penetrate states, as Changdong Zhang of Peking University has put it. Taxpayers demand accountability and a say in how their money is used.

To avoid these social entanglements, China has remained a “half-tax state”, according to some scholars. It relies not on taking money directly from people’s pay cheques, but on land sales, contributions from companies and indirect taxation, such as value-added taxes. In this way it can disguise the fiscal burden it imposes. A smart king makes sure his “gifts are visible and his extractions are invisible”, according to the “Guanzi”, a Chinese philosophical text. The modern party has followed that ancient advice.

To extract more revenue, the imf economists suggest that China gradually introduce a property tax and widen the reach of its carbon-emissions trading scheme. China could also increase the cap on social-security contributions, even as it lowers the contribution rate. More radically, the country could lower the basic deduction for income taxes from 60,000 yuan ($8,300) to 15,000. At that threshold, 80% of the population would pay something.

If China adopted these recommendations, it would move closer to becoming a full-tax state and making its extractions more visible. Such a transition would be fiscally prudent but politically risky. From the perspective of China’s ageing, authoritarian regime, the challenge is to figure out how to take more money from people without giving them more voice in return.

https://www.economist.com/china/2024/05/02/china-mulls-a-bold-test-of-taxation-without-representation

Reply Quote

Date: 8/06/2024 12:04:41
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2163163
Subject: re: China Politics

‘Short of war,’ China’s gray zone strategy on Taiwan is gathering in intensity
The West must strongly deter — without foreclosing a future reconciliation between Taipei and Beijing.

By Kevin Rudd
Updated June 6, 2024 at 6:45 p.m. EDT|Published June 6, 2024 at 5:30 p.m. EDT

Kevin Rudd is Australia’s ambassador to the United States and was previously prime minister and foreign minister. This is an edited extract of a speech delivered Thursday at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Honolulu. The speech is a personal reflection in his capacity as a China scholar and not as an official representative of the Australian government.

The central question for our time, if we are to avoid war across the Taiwan Strait, is to understand how Chinese President Xi Jinping actually interprets the deterrence strategies of the United States, Taiwan itself, and U.S. allies and strategic partners.

What strategy is China now embarking upon, short of preparation for an actual invasion, to achieve its political objectives in relation to Taiwan? And what is the role of deterrence in responding to such a strategy?

The key to understanding Beijing’s red line on Taiwan’s political status is China’s fear that Taiwan will become an independent state, and be recognized by the international community as such, thereby destroying the possibility of unification with the mainland.

This, in turn, is based on Beijing’s insistence that any political dialogue between Taiwan and the mainland must be based on the “1992 Consensus” — an ambiguous arrangement broadly based on the principle of “one China,” albeit with differing interpretations of what that means to each side.

Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), in government since 2016, has opposed the “one China” element within the 1992 Consensus. As a result, Beijing has rejected all official dialogue with Taiwanese administrations since the party came to power. The DPP has argued that Taiwan was already independent and so had no need formally to declare it. President Tsai Ing-wen, Taiwan’s president from 2016 to 2024, took this concept further — continuing to reject the 1992 Consensus, while refining the Democratic Progressive Party’s position on Taiwan’s political status as one committed to “maintaining the status quo.” This position has been reiterated by the new DPP President William Lai who took office last month.

But Beijing is increasingly making it plain to foreign interlocutors that this stance is not sufficient. Far from being relieved that the DPP has stepped back from the brink of any formal declaration of independence, Beijing is signaling loud and clear that its political objective remains to force Taiwan into negotiations on its preferred “one country, two systems” model that it has used for Hong Kong.

Beijing might well be in the process of concluding that Taiwan thinking of itself as de facto autonomous, with the international community on much the same page, will become further entrenched — and irreversible. As time begins to run out (from China’s perspective), we will begin to see a change in Chinese strategy toward the “Taiwan problem.” Indeed, we are already seeing it, with China increasingly availing itself of a multidimensional “gray zone” strategy over the past 18 months or so, a strategy aimed at applying new forms of pressure on Taiwanese and international public opinion to force Taipei to the negotiating table.

Prominent analysts have described the gray zone strategy as seeking “economic, military, diplomatic, or political gains without eliciting a costly and direct response from an opponent.” Others have described it as a “short of war” approach — a combination of political, military, diplomatic, economic and cyber measures where the objective is to achieve a psychological, attitudinal and then behavioral change on the part of Taiwanese public and political opinion.

These measures include intensifying political assaults by Beijing to delegitimize Taiwanese political leaders opposed to unification. They also involve military assets: naval, air, coast guard and other intrusions across the median line, Taiwan’s 24-mile contiguous zone and in and around Taiwan’s offshore islands, are meant to show the Taiwanese that their administration is incapable of defending Taipei’s claims to sovereignty. They also entail punitive economic measures (well short of a blockade) aimed at impeding Taiwanese trade, investment and other national income, to demonstrate to apolitical Taiwanese voters Taipei’s vulnerability.

During her tenure, Tsai already pointed to mounting cyber intrusions into Taiwan’s economic and communications infrastructure, again with the intention of demonstrating to the Taiwanese people the acute vulnerability of their systems to an integrated cyberattack.

For China watchers, there are some similarities in Beijing’s “short of war” strategies that have already been tried in the South and East China Seas, and those being tried on Taiwan. Japan has seen this with the intensity of People’s Liberation Army Air Force sorties around Senkaku-Diaoyu Dao. We have also seen China assert nonlethal coercive actions in relation to the Second Thomas Shoal and the Philippines.

With Taiwan, however, there appears to be a growing intensity across the full range of “gray zone” activities. And those are likely to increase as the DPP settles in for another term, and Beijing’s preferred political partner on Taiwan (Kuomintang, or KMT) looks at the prospect of a cumulative 12 years in opposition.

An embrace of gray zone agitation does not mean China has suspended its efforts to build the military capabilities necessary to take Taiwan by overwhelming military force. Those efforts continue.

And there is no inconsistency between China pursuing these two approaches in tandem. China’s political strategy for unification with Taiwan has always had a fundamental military component. Indeed, these two approaches are entirely compatible if their cumulative effect is to reduce Taipei’s deterrence and war fighting capabilities, as well as its political, social and economic resilience.

Deterring China from launching military action against Taiwan is the cornerstone of a U.S. and allied strategy for preserving the status quo and the wider geostrategic stability of the Indo-Pacific region. The question that arises for all of us, however, is how to also deter China’s emerging menu of measures that remain “short of war” and “short of invasion” but that share the same political objective, which is to force Taipei to capitulate.

Governments across the region and the world will increasingly be required to draw a clear linkage between identifiable gray zone actions on the one hand and a series of calibrated policy responses on the other. The alternative is no response at all — which presumably is Beijing’s current expectation.

In the future, the Taiwanese might choose to engage in a fresh round of negotiations with Beijing on easing cross-strait tensions, new forms of economic cooperation and new approaches to the political relationship between them.

Indeed, all our interests would be served by breaking the 1992 Consensus impasse so that effective dialogue can recommence after nearly a decade of silence. Silence accentuates tension; talking can reduce it. As Winston Churchill famously reminded us, it’s always better to “jaw, jaw than war, war.”

But there is a difference between a voluntary, agreed approach to negotiations, as opposed to a coerced one.

For Beijing, reassurance that Taipei and its international partners will sustain the status quo on Taiwan’s future political status is essential for strategic stability. But with Xi’s evident frustration at Taiwan’s continuing autonomy, reassurance alone will not be sufficient.

It needs to be part of a much wider equation of integrated deterrence that will command all our efforts for the decade ahead if we are to successfully preserve the peace.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/06/06/kevin-rudd-china-taiwan-deterrence/?a

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Date: 14/07/2024 18:54:16
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2174781
Subject: re: China Politics

The surprisingly frank economic advice that Xi Jinping gets
The minutes of a party meeting show voices in favour of bolder reform

Jun 27th 2024|Hong Kong

In politics, fringe ideas can become mainstream and vice versa. The “window of political possibility” can expand or move, as Joe Overton, an American political analyst, once put it. The same is true even in communist China. In 1978, for example, the country’s Overton window made a momentous shift. Two years after the death of Chairman Mao Zedong, it became possible for the party to acknowledge that the great helmsman was not infallible. This pragmatism paved the way for faster economic reform and for Deng Xiaoping to become China’s paramount leader. The change was sealed at a landmark meeting of the party’s central committee: the “third plenum” of December 1978.

China is now preparing for another third plenum, which will be held from July 15th to 18th. It has been over a decade since such a meeting was devoted to economic reform. In principle, the gathering could signal a renewed determination to tackle China’s long-standing economic problems, including weak consumer demand, narrow taxes, miserly social spending, restrictions on internal migrants’ access to services and bureaucratic impediments to private enterprise. It is, therefore, a good time to examine the country’s Overton window: the range of permissible economic opinion within Chinese officialdom.

On the face of it, the window is narrow. The ideological ferment of 1978-81 is notably absent. The country’s current helmsman, Xi Jinping, has made costly mistakes: an unsustainable zero-covid policy, clumsy restrictions on China’s internet platforms and a poorly calibrated crackdown on the property market. But no leader would dare say of him what Deng said of Mao: that he was only 70% right, 30% wrong.

Indeed, some critics of China’s economic model worry that Mr Xi operates in an information bubble. Perhaps the leader has fallen prey to his own personality cult. He does not correct his blunders because he thinks they are triumphs. But the explanation for his mistakes is not so simple. In the realm of economic policy, the range of permissible opinions is wider perhaps than many people realise. On a number of economic issues, including the woes of private enterprise, the shortfall of consumption and the need for social spending, some advisers are surprisingly frank.

One example is Yang Weimin, who helped draft the documents for the third plenum in 2013 and served in the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (cppcc), an official advisory body. “The core problem”, he told Caixin magazine last year, “is that the government carries out too much direct allocation of resources and too much unreasonable intervention.” China suffers from overcapacity, for example, not just because of the blindness of the market, but also because of “blind investment driven by local governments”.

The cppcc is made up of all sorts of party members, from artists to entrepreneurs. It has negligible power. Nothing its members say is guaranteed, or even likely, to turn into policy. But by the same token, nothing its members say can be considered outside the Overton window. So we delved into the minutes of the cppcc’s standing-committee meeting on June 4th-6th (it convenes every few months) to check what remains sayable. Scattered amid the dogma are some good ideas.

“Both theory and practice have proven that the market is the most efficient way to allocate resources,” noted Yi Gang, a former governor of China’s central bank, at the meeting. The phrase echoed a line Mr Xi himself wrote after the third plenum of 2013. The government, Mr Yi added, should concentrate on providing public goods, responding to market failures and maintaining fair and competitive markets.

Li Longxi, another standing-committee member, pressed the government to “vigorously boost the confidence of business entities”, by removing hidden barriers that prevent private firms from competing with state-owned enterprises. The government claims to treat firms equally regardless of their ownership. But equal treatment is “easier said than done”, he pointed out.

Mr Li urged the government to hasten the passage of a private-sector promotion law, which it began drafting in February. The measure aims to protect firms from what one delegate called “arbitrary actions, multiple inspections selective law enforcement”. It also hopes to stop new officials from washing their hands of old contracts and commitments to private enterprises. He proposed that party officials should be evaluated on their success in cultivating private enterprise. Another delegate advised the government to “let private enterprises and entrepreneurs truly feel that they are ‘our own people’”, setting their minds at ease. The government’s actions should be like dingxinwan, he said. The term roughly translates as “chill pills”.

Firms will not thrive without strong demand for their products. The “three horses” driving growth are consumption, investment and exports, pointed out Sun Jiye, another delegate. But “the role of consumption in driving the economy is not strong enough,” he argued, echoing economists outside the party. To “eliminate consumption worries”, the government should boost employment and wages and “expand the channels” for residents to earn income from their property, presumably by renting it out. Other delegates recommended giving “full play to the redistributive role of an effective government”, revising taxes to favour low-income groups.

Consumers will also spend more and save less if they have fewer concerns about paying for their retirement and potential medical expenses. Government spending on health care and social security has increased as a share of gdp in the past 15 years. Nonetheless, pensions remain inadequate. “There is a lack of economic security in old age,” one cppcc member observed, especially in rural areas. Many gig workers also fall outside the pension net. The delegate called on the government to transfer more state-owned capital to the social-security pot, which is meant to fund workers’ pensions.

Another way to increase consumer spending is to reform China’s hukou system of household registration, which denies migrant workers equal access to public services. One speech noted “the policy inertia that regards migrant workers as passers-by”. Many internal migrants are unwilling to give up their rural hukou for an urban registration if it means forfeiting their collective land rights in their home villages. cppcc members therefore urged the government to build on pilot schemes that allow these rights to be sold or leased.

Will China’s leaders adopt any of these suggestions? Not every third plenum amounts to much. The meeting in 1978 eventually shook the world. “But no third plenum since the turn of the century has had even a fraction of that impact,” writes Mark Williams of Capital Economics, a consultancy. The gathering in 2013, a year after Mr Xi took power, looked bold on paper. But it ultimately failed to live up to its promise to give the market the “decisive role in allocating resources”.

The false promise of that meeting will cast a shadow over the gathering in July. Even if the third plenum makes encouraging commitments, the people who most need to hear its message may not believe it. Third plenums are an opportunity for the country’s leaders to advertise their priorities to the party. But to revive confidence in China’s economy, they will have to convince a far bigger audience: the country’s disheartened entrepreneurs, homebuyers and consumers, who take part in the everyday plenum of the marketplace.

https://www.economist.com/china/2024/06/27/the-surprisingly-frank-economic-advice-that-xi-jinping-gets?

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Date: 24/07/2024 06:39:14
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2178510
Subject: re: China Politics

Why is Xi Jinping building secret commodity stockpiles?
Vast new holdings of grain, natural gas and oil suggest trouble ahead

Jul 23rd 2024

Over the past two decades China has devoured enormous amounts of raw materials. Its population has grown bigger and richer, requiring more dairy, grain and meat. Its giant industries have been ravenous for energy and metals. In recent years, though, the economy has suffered from political mismanagement and a property crisis. Chinese officials are adamant that they want to shift away from resource-intensive industries. Logic dictates that the country’s appetite for commodities should be shrinking, and shrinking fast.

In reality, the opposite is happening. Last year China’s imports of many basic resources broke records, and imports of all types of commodities surged by 16% in volume terms. They are still rising, up by 6% in the first five months of this year. Given the country’s economic struggles, this does not reflect growing consumption. Instead, China appears to be stockpiling materials at a rapid pace—and at a time when commodities are expensive. Policymakers in Beijing seem to be worried about new geopolitical threats, not least that a new, hawkish American president could seek to choke crucial supply routes to China.

Trump trade
The fear is warranted, for China is dependant on foreign resources. Although the country is the world’s refining centre for many metals, it imports much of the raw material required, ranging from 70% of bauxite to 97% of cobalt. China keeps the lights on thanks to imported energy. It has a lot of coal, but its deposits of other fuels do not match its needs, forcing it to bring in 40% of its natural gas and 70% of its crude oil. China’s dependence is most acute for food. In 2000 almost everything citizens ate was produced at home; today less than two-thirds is. The country imports 85% of the 125m tonnes a year of soyabean it uses to feed its 400m pigs. Its reliance on foreign farmers is near total for coffee, palm oil and some dairy products.

Aware of this, China started building up “strategic” stockpiles of grain and defence-related minerals at the end of the cold war, which it then added to at the peak of its economic boom with stocks of petroleum and industrial metals. Three recent events have prompted more stockpiling. In 2018 President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on $60bn-worth of Chinese exports to America, forcing China to retaliate by slapping duties on American soyabeans. Next came covid-19, which disrupted supply chains and raised the cost of materials. The war in Ukraine then inflamed prices and showed America’s will to use embargoes against even large foes.

Now Mr Trump, who makes no secret of his desire to hobble China, has a decent chance of returning to power. America could start by restricting its own food exports to China, which have rebounded since Mr Trump’s departure from the White House, and lean on other big suppliers such as Argentina and Brazil to do likewise. It could try to influence countries that sell metals to China, including Australia and Chile. And most of China’s commodity imports are shipped through a few straits and canals that America could seek to block for Chinese vessels by, say, posting military ships nearby.

China seems to be readying itself for a more hostile environment. Its preparations start with scaling up infrastructure required to stash supplies. By contrast with America, where strategic reserves are government-controlled, in China stockpiles also take the form of private tanks, silos and warehouses, which officials in Beijing have access to in times of crisis.

Since 2020 China’s crude-storage capacity has increased from 1.7bn to 2bn barrels. The location of many such sites is secret, but satellite imagery suggests that known ones have grown fast since 2022, says Emma Li of Vortexa, a data firm. Similarly, the capacity of underground gas caves grew six-fold between 2010 and 2020, to 15bn cubic metres (bcm); the target is to reach 55bcm by next year. China is also building a dozen or so tanks to hold liquefied gas along its coast. JPMorgan Chase, a bank, forecasts that total gas-storage capacity will hit 85bcm by 2030.

China is now filling these facilities. In another sign of increasing caginess, state statisticians have stopped releasing data for stocks of many commodities. Yet there are ways to approximate the degree of concern. America’s Department of Agriculture forecasts that, by the end of the current growing season, China’s stocks of wheat and maize will represent 51% and 67% of the world’s, up five to ten percentage points from 2018. These are thought to be enough to cover at least a year’s demand. Stocks of soyabeans, China’s biggest agricultural import, have doubled since 2018, to 39m tonnes, and are projected to hit 42m tonnes by the end of the season.

Copper-bottomed
More striking still has been China’s effort to stash away metals and fuel. By estimating the amounts of copper, nickel and various other metals that China could have credibly consumed and comparing it with total supply, Tom Price of Panmure Liberum, a bank, finds that the country’s inventory build-up since 2018 has been sufficient to cover at least 35% to 133% of its annual demand, depending on the commodity. By the end of spring China also had 25bcm of gas in storage, enough to meet 23 days of consumption, and up from 15 days’-worth five years ago. Parlsey Ong of JPMorgan Chase expects that this cover will reach 28 days by 2030.

Crude stocks, meanwhile, have risen by an average of 900,000 barrels a day (b/d) since the start of the year, estimates Rapidan Energy, a consultancy. At 1.5m b/d, the filling rate was fastest in June, suggesting acceleration. This has helped China’s inventory near 1.3bn barrels, enough to cover 115 days of imports (America, by comparison, holds 800m barrels). The stash will continue to grow. China has told oil firms to add 60m to stockpiles by the end of March. Rapidan reckons reserves will grow even faster, with China adding as much as 700m barrels by the end of 2025.

This stockpiling is worrying Americans, and not just because it could fuel inflation by raising commodity prices. The supplies China is after are exactly those it would need to survive a protracted conflict, perhaps as it blockades Taiwan. “When you juxtapose that against China’s military build-up, it starts to be very concerning,” says Gabriel Collins, a former analyst at America’s defence department. For now, the evidence suggests that Xi Jinping’s hoarding is more likely to be a defensive measure, since it is not yet on a scale required for him to be secure in a hot conflict. American officials must hope that does not change in the years to come.

https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2024/07/23/why-is-xi-jinping-building-secret-commodity-stockpiles?

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Date: 29/08/2024 16:19:40
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2190934
Subject: re: China Politics

China’s new bubble has sent tremors through Beijing

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
August 28, 2024 — 11.59am

For most of this year, yields on China’s longer-term sovereign bonds have been falling, prompting a series of increasingly unusual, even desperate, interventions by the country’s central bank to arrest the declines.

At face value, that might appear odd. The People’s Bank of China has been cutting its policy rates to try to stimulate growth in a sluggish economy, so why would it try to push bond yields up?

It appears they are worried that a bubble has been forming within the bond market that could lead to financial instability and the risk of an event that could create similar circumstances and losses to those that precipitated the regional banking crisis in the US last year.

The PBOC has effectively thrown the kitchen sink at the market in its efforts to arrest the slide in yields, which has seen the yield on 10-year government debt fall from 2.74 per cent a year ago to a historic low of 2.12 per cent this month. The bonds traded on a yield of 2.18 per cent earlier this week.

The central bank’s efforts to stabilise the yields have ranged from interventions in the market to warnings to smaller banks to stop buying bonds, bans on buying and cancellations of trades, investigations of banks, fines, stress tests and instructions to brokers to pull back on their trading. Some smaller banks have been accused of market manipulation and new bond funds have been told to steer clear of longer-dated securities.

State-owned banks have been selling bonds to try to drive their prices down and yields up – there is an inverse relationship between bond prices and their yields.

The PBOC has also borrowed a massive hoard of bonds from the major banks, signalling it will sell them to produce that same outcome of falling prices and rising yields if it is forced to.

Its fears clearly relate to the potential for a banking and insurance crisis if, for whatever reason, there was an abrupt reversal of the trends within the market and bond prices suddenly fell and yields surged.

Banks, probably the smaller regional banks, would be left with major mark-to-market losses and capital shortfalls.

That would be akin to what occurred in the US and which caused a number of smaller banks, including the high-profile Silicon Valley Bank, to fail. Silicon Valley was the biggest bank failure in the US since the global financial crisis in 2008.

Chinese insurers, which offer fixed returns, would also have their capital adequacy stressed.

The risk the authorities perceive in the bond market is, therefore, a threat to systemic stability that could produce a major domestic financial crisis.

In recent weeks, volumes of trading in longer-dated bonds have collapsed to a fraction of their levels at the start of this month after the authorities began warning of “illegal” speculative trading.

It would not be in China’s interest for bond market activity to simply dry up completely – that would itself have very significant implications for bank and systemic stability, given the key role that bond markets play within financial systems.

The PBOC is fighting a battle it can’t win in the market unless it, and the economic policymakers in Beijing, can find a way to win in the real economy.

It might appear a paradox that the authorities are striving to drive up bond yields even as the PBOC has been reducing its policy rates – although those are short term – in a bid to stimulate lending and economic activity.

However, this paradox highlights the source of the problem.

The collapse of China’s property market – the implosion of an earlier bubble – in which prices continue to fall, has had a chilling effect on consumer and business confidence and China’s economic growth, and particularly activity within the domestic economy, which has essentially stalled.

That’s been reflected in a flat-lining inflation rate, factory gate prices that have been falling for nearly two years and fears of deflation.

Consumers are wary and risk-averse, their spending is weak and, where once their savings might have gone into the property market, they are now hoarding them.

With China’s businesses also cautious, demand for credit is low. Last month bank borrowers repaid more than China’s banks lent for the first time in nearly two decades. There is a lot of liquidity swirling around the system and few options for it to find a safe place to rest.

The property market, until it has clearly stabilised, is not one of them and may not be for some years, given the surplus of housing stock and a declining population.

China’s stock market, which has fallen for the past three years, is down another 3.7 per cent year-to-date.

That leaves the obvious haven – for households, businesses and banks – of the government bond market. The liquidity has to go somewhere and, if China’s banks are to cope with the inflows of deposits from households and businesses against the backdrop of weak demand for credit, the bond market is the only place to which they can safely turn.

The banks could try to reduce the flow of funds they are receiving by lowering their deposit rates, but that wouldn’t address the liquidity sloshing around but simply shift it somewhere else.

The risk for the PBOC and Beijing is that if they crack down too severely on the flow of funds into the banks and then into the longer-dated bonds, they will divert that liquidity into higher-risk assets and effectively force the bubble in the bond market into other asset classes.

Banks would obviously prefer to lend rather than put their excess liquidity into low-returning bonds, so the solution to the conundrum facing the authorities is obvious. They need to aggressively stimulate economic growth and the demand for credit to divert liquidity into more productive and less systemically challenging areas.

Beijing has, however, consistently rejected pressure to embark on large-scale stimulus to try to boost consumption, instead concentrating on an export-led growth strategy under which exports have grown to the extent that they are sparking pushback from those economies on the receiving end.

Yet even though the volume of those exports might have grown, their value hasn’t kept pace. That seems to be a function of depressed domestic demand and consequent over-capacity within China’s factories.

The PBOC is fighting a battle it can’t win in the market unless it, and the economic policymakers in Beijing, can find a way to win in the real economy. It is fighting a symptom of the underlying problem – slowing growth in the real economy – rather than the cause.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/markets/why-china-is-scared-of-a-bubble-20240828-p5k5xx.html

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Date: 4/09/2024 20:25:30
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2193109
Subject: re: China Politics

Why It’s So Hard for China to Fix Its Ailing Economy
A real estate collapse has made consumers cautious and businesses wary, as China confronts a crisis unlike any other since it opened its economy to the world.

By Daisuke Wakabayashi and Claire Fu
Sept. 3, 2024

In 2004, as China’s economy was emerging as a global force, a group of researchers started conducting nationwide surveys asking Chinese people if they were better off financially than they were five years earlier.

The percentage who felt wealthier climbed when surveyed five years later and again in 2014, when it reached a high of 77 percent.

Last year, when respondents were asked the same question, that figure dropped to 39 percent.

The results of that survey, titled “Getting Ahead in Today’s China: From Optimism to Pessimism,” speak to a new reality. China’s economy is confronting a crisis unlike any it has experienced since it opened its economy to the world more than four decades ago. The post-Covid rebound that was supposed to bring the economy roaring back to life was more like a whimper.

A few years ago, Beijing resolved to wean its economy from its dependence on an overheated real estate market, a sector that had underpinned the savings of families as well as China’s banking sector and local government finances. Now, the property sector is in crisis. Developers collapsed, leaving behind huge debts, a trail of failed investments, unsold apartments and lost jobs.

Chinese consumers, already prone to saving heavily, have become even more frugal. Businesses that endured the crippling impact of draconian Covid measures have cut salaries and scaled back hiring. Millions of college graduates joining the job market are facing long odds and poor prospects. And China’s population has shrunk two years in a row. In a country where the majority of people had only known the economy to grow rapidly and living conditions to improve, confidence is eroding.

Sherry Yang opened her business in 2006 making store signs, billboards and posters in Sichuan Province in southwestern China. Within a few years, local firms were placing so many orders that Ms. Yang had 16 employees and her printing machines were running around the clock.

But the business has never fully recovered after Covid, she said. This summer, already sluggish demand worsened; sales in July fell 70 percent from a year earlier. Ms. Yang said it felt like every industry was struggling and no one was spending.

Ms. Yang is down to six employees, many of whom spend the day scrolling their phones because there isn’t enough work.

“This has been the most difficult year since our opening,” she said.

Consumer spending, which Chinese authorities have identified as an important driver of growth, remains weak across the economy.

Alibaba, China’s biggest e-commerce firm, said sales in its domestic online shopping business fell 1 percent in the spring. China’s summer movie box office sales have dropped by almost half over last year, according to Maoyan, an entertainment data provider. The U.S. Department of Agriculture forecast in August that Chinese consumers would cut back on buying pork and shift to cheaper beef, because of economic pressures.

A number of foreign firms that once rushed into China to catch a rising tide are now retrenching. Last month, the beauty retailer Sephora, an arm of the French luxury group LVMH, announced that it was cutting jobs because of “the challenging market.” IBM is shutting its two research and development centers in China.

And policymakers trying to respond are hindered because they cannot rely on a principal fix that worked in the past. For years, local governments borrowed money for splashy development projects that kept people working and the construction sector booming — even if there wasn’t an actual need for that much infrastructure.

But the debt from that borrowing, often funneled through opaque funding channels, has ballooned to more than $7 trillion. With investors already jittery about China’s financial system, the days of lavish borrowing for vanity infrastructure are unlikely to return anytime soon.

The Chinese government has signaled its alarm by restricting access to data about the markets and economy. Last year, it suspended releasing youth unemployment figures when the number reached record highs. It started distributing the information again this year, with a new methodology that lowered the figures.

To quell discussion of a major economic crisis, officials have warned some economists not to draw public comparisons between China’s problems and the collapse of Japan’s debt-fueled property bubble in the 1980s, which weighed on its economy for decades.

China’s debt is difficult to ignore, however.

While the housing sector’s collapse has caused much collateral damage, the risk of insolvency is minimized by China’s tightly controlled financial system. The danger is that the government could have fewer fiscal resources to deploy to keep things from unraveling.

“The consequences for this fiscal crisis is less growth,” said Alicia Garcia-Herrero, chief economist for the Asia-Pacific region at the investment bank Natixis.

The economic uncertainty has left Chinese savers and foreign investors alike scrambling for safe places to park their money. Real estate prices continue to plunge, and Chinese stocks are underperforming compared with those in just about every other major country, including the United States, Japan and India.

Foreign funds have turned into net sellers of Chinese equities in 2024, which would be the first annual outflow since the data became available a decade earlier. Shares of around 180 Chinese companies have been removed from a critical stock market index since the start of the year, reducing the presence of Chinese firms in global benchmarks.

Investors have retreated to the safety of China’s bond market, driving up prices and pushing down yields. But even that comes with a potential risk. Yields collapsed so drastically that the country’s central bank is now concerned that it might leave banks vulnerable if interest rates rise in the future.

Chinese investors have also piled into gold, helping drive prices to record highs.

China has forecast that its economy will grow about 5 percent this year, a faster rate than most major economies, although that may now be in doubt. A record-setting surge in exports, flooding the world with electric vehicles, batteries and household appliances, is fueling China’s economic growth. But the resulting glut of supply is also undermining the profitability of the high-tech manufacturing industries that China had hoped would soften the blow of its painful shift from real-estate-led growth, while drawing a backlash from a growing number of major trading partners.

For its part, China has downplayed economic concerns. In an April opinion article in state media, Jin Ruiting, director of the Institute of International Economics at the Chinese Academy of Macroeconomic Research, said Western media and politicians continued to “make a fuss about China’s short-term economic fluctuations,” while “unilaterally exaggerating the problems and challenges of the Chinese economy.”

But fundamental problems remain.

For a vast number of young people, there are not enough jobs. In July, China’s unemployment rate among 16- to 24-year-olds jumped above 17 percent, from 13 percent in June.

Winnie Chen graduated this summer with an auditing degree in Nanchang, a southeastern Chinese city. She took the civil service exam in March but didn’t land a job, competing against hundreds of applicants for every available position.

She started looking for private-sector jobs. Ms. Chen messaged 1,229 companies on a job-seeking app and applied for 119 jobs in accounting, e-commerce, social media and other industries. After dozens of interviews, she said, she scored a few job offers — but all came with “absurd” conditions.

One job had a starting salary of $380 a month, which she considered too low to live on. Another company offered her a position, but said she would have to work on public holidays and not get any days off in return. She was offered a position she was told was for a makeup artist, but declined after learning she would actually have to work in a nightclub.

“It feels like there are too many college graduates now, too many people but too few jobs,” Ms. Chen said, noting that many of her classmates were jobless. “The economy is in a bad state.”

https://www.nytimes.com/2024/09/03/business/china-economy-consumption.html?

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Date: 7/09/2024 10:00:56
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2193751
Subject: re: China Politics

The real problem with China’s economy
The country risks making some of the mistakes the Soviet Union did

September 7th 2024

China’s giant economy faces an equally giant crisis of confidence—and a growing deficit of accurate information is only making things worse. Even as the country wrestles with a property crash, the services sector slowed by one measure in August. Consumers are fed up. Multinational firms are taking money out of China at a record pace and foreign China-watchers are trimming their forecasts for economic growth.

The gloom reflects real problems, from half-built houses to bad debts. But it also reflects growing mistrust of information about China. The government is widely believed to be massaging data, suppressing sensitive facts and sometimes offering delusional prescriptions for the economy. This void feeds on itself: the more fragile the economy is, the more knowledge is suppressed and the more nerves fray. This is not just a cyclical problem of confidence. By backtracking on the decades-long policy of partially liberalising the flow of information, China will find it harder to complete its ambition of restructuring the economy around new industries. Like the Soviet Union, it risks instead becoming an example of how autocratic rule is not just illiberal but also inefficient.

The tightening of censorship under President Xi Jinping is well known. Social-media accounts are ever more strictly policed. Officials are warier of candid debate with outsiders. Scholars fear they are watched and business people mouth Communist Party slogans. Less familiar is the parallel disappearance of technical data, especially if it is awkward or embarrassing for the party. Figures for youth unemployment, a huge problem, have been “improved and optimised”—and lowered. Balance-of-payments statistics have become so murky that even America’s Treasury is baffled. On August 19th stock exchanges stopped publishing daily numbers on dwindling foreign-investment inflows. As the economic dashboard dims, the private sector is finding it harder to make good decisions. Officials probably are, too.

To understand the significance of this shift, look back to the mid-20th century. Witnessing the totalitarianism of the 1930s and 1940s, liberal thinkers such as Karl Popper and Friedrich Hayek argued that political freedom and economic success go hand in hand: decentralised power and information prevent tyranny and allow millions of firms and consumers to make better decisions and live better lives. The collapse of the Soviet Union proved them right. In order to maintain political dominance, its rulers ruthlessly controlled information. But that required brutal repression, starved the economy of price signals and created an edifice of lies. By the end, even the Soviet leadership was deprived of an accurate picture.

As China grew more open in the late 1990s and 2000s, its leaders hoped to maintain control while avoiding the Soviet Union’s mistakes. For many years they allowed technical information in business, the economy and science to flow far more freely. Think of Chinese firms with listed share prices disclosing information to investors in New York, or scientists sharing new research with groups abroad. Technology seemed to offer a more surgical way to censor mass opinion. The internet was intensively policed, but it was not banned.

China’s top leadership also redoubled its efforts to know what was going on. For decades, it has run a system known as neican, or internal reference, in which journalists and officials compile private reports. During the Tiananmen Square protests, for example, the leadership received constant updates. Techno-utopian party loyalists reckoned that big data and artificial intelligence could improve this system, creating a high-tech panopticon for the supreme leader that would allow the kind of enlightened central planning the Soviets failed at.

It is this vision of a partially open, hyper-efficient China that is now in doubt. Amid a widening culture of fear and a determination to put national security before the economy, the party has proved unable or unwilling to limit the scope of its interference in information flows. Monetary-policy documents and the annual reports of China’s mega-banks now invoke Xi Jinping Thought. Deadly-dull foreign management consultants are treated as spies. This is happening despite the fact that China’s increasingly sophisticated economy requires more fluid and complex decision-making.

An obvious result is the retreat of individual liberty. In a reversal of its partial opening, China has become a more repressive place. Many Chinese still have liberal views and enjoy debate but stick to private gatherings. They present no immediate danger to the party.

The information void’s other effects pose more of a threat. As price signals dim, the allocation of capital is getting harder. This comes at a delicate moment. As its workforce shrinks, China must rely more on boosting productivity to grow. That is all about using resources well. The country needs to pivot away from cheap credit and construction to innovative industries and supplying consumers. That is why capital spending is pouring into electric vehicles, semiconductors and more. Yet if investment is based on erroneous calculations of demand and supply, or if data on subsidies and profits are suppressed, then the odds of a successful transition are low.

China’s admirers might retort that the country’s key decision-makers still have good information with which to steer the economy. But nobody really knows what data and reports Mr Xi sees. Moreover, as the public square empties it is a good bet that the flow of private information is becoming more distorted and less subject to scrutiny. No one wants to sign a memo that says one of Mr Xi’s signature policies is failing.

After the horrors of the mid-20th century, liberal thinkers understood that free-flowing information improves decision-making, reduces the odds of grave mistakes and makes it easier for societies to evolve. But when information is suppressed, it turns into a source of power and corruption. Over time, the distortions and inefficiencies mount. China has big opportunities but it also faces immense problems. A fully informed citizenry, private sector and government would be far better equipped to take on the challenges ahead.

https://www.economist.com/leaders/2024/09/05/bad-information-is-a-grave-threat-to-chinas-economy?

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Date: 7/09/2024 10:10:42
From: party_pants
ID: 2193753
Subject: re: China Politics

interesting. Thanks for posting that.

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Date: 13/09/2024 20:15:39
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2196207
Subject: re: China Politics

Something positive about the the PRC:

China’s government is surprisingly redistributive
That is despite a stingy tax-and-transfer system

Sep 12th 2024|Hong Kong

When China’s ruler, Xi Jinping, began calling for “common prosperity” in 2021, he made investors nervous. The stated goal was to reduce inequality. But the term became wrapped up with something edgier: a morale-destroying campaign to browbeat billionaires into displays of charity, tighten regulations on big tech firms and curb what Mr Xi called the “disorderly expansion of capital”.

Although talk of common prosperity has receded, the need to reduce inequality has not. Indeed, it now has a new justification. China’s economy is mired in deflation, a sign of weak demand. To boost consumer spending, many prominent economists want the government to divert more income to households. And to reduce China’s high saving rate, they want money redistributed from the rich, who tend to save it, to the poor, who are more likely to spend it. The aim is not just social justice, but also macroeconomic efficiency. Higher spending would help China’s output fulfil its potential. It would help close China’s output gap by narrowing its income gaps.

The IMF’s annual report on China, released last month, pointed out that a better social safety net and a more progressive tax system would strengthen demand. Similar prescriptions appeared in a recent issue of Red Flag Manuscript, published by Qiushi, the communist party’s journal of ideas. An article called for improving the “income distribution system”, including tax, social security and transfer payments.

These recommendations raise a pertinent question: how effective is China’s fiscal system at reducing inequality? On the face of it, the system does little. China, unlike, say, Brazil, skimps on cash transfers. Its income tax looks progressive: rates climb from 3% to a grabby 45%. Yet precious few earn enough to pay the top rate. In reality, many people pay no income tax at all, owing to a generous standard deduction. A big chunk of China’s tax revenue comes from indirect taxes, including VAT, which do little to narrow inequality. After all, taxed goods cost the same, whether the buyer is rich or poor.

The combined effect on inequality is assessed in a new working paper by five economists: Maria Ana Lugo, Veronica Montalva and Sailesh Tiwari of the World Bank, as well as Nora Lustig and Yang Wang of Tulane University. Drawing on a survey of over 14,000 households in 2018, the authors find that China’s taxes and transfers by themselves do little to narrow inequality. These measures reduce China’s Gini index—a common measure of inequality—from about 54.5 to 51.6.

But redistributing cash is not the only way to help the poor. Governments can also provide things the poor would otherwise have to buy for themselves. China’s public spending on education and health care is, for example, highly redistributive (see chart 1), according to Ms Lugo and her co-authors. It reduces inequality by another seven percentage points or so, lowering China’s Gini coefficient from 51.6 to 44.2.

How does this redistributive effort compare with other countries? The Red Flag article cautions that China is still in the early stage of socialism. “The Party and the state cannot take on too much responsibility,” it says. “We must avoid…excessive welfare” and act “within our capabilities”.

The author need not have worried too much. China’s fiscal system takes on less responsibility than its counterparts in most rich countries. In America the combination of taxes, transfers and in-kind benefits reduces the Gini index by almost 15 points (see chart 2). But China’s redistribution is significant in comparison with other countries that are at a similar stage of development. Indeed, its fiscal system was a bit more redistributive in 2018 than you would expect given its GDP per person, according to our analysis of the numbers produced by Ms Lugo and her co-authors. China’s social spending may also be more cost effective than that in some of its peers. Although Brazil and Colombia devoted more of their GDP to health and education, this spending got less bang for its buck in lowering the Gini index, which suggests China’s social spending is better targeted towards the poor.

Can China redistribute its way out of deflation? That would require quite a bit more ambition than its leaders have shown thus far. Increased spending on education and especially health would certainly help. The Red Flag article argued that health is “an important symbol of socialist modernisation”. And Mr Xi himself remarked in a speech last year that “a country will prosper if its education prospers”. The speech is one of 47 of Mr Xi’s sermons that are collected in a new book on education which went on sale this week. Perhaps the tome will prise open the wallets of some of China’s reluctant shopper.

https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2024/09/12/chinas-government-is-surprisingly-redistributive?

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Date: 28/09/2024 16:34:58
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2200201
Subject: re: China Politics

A new class struggle is brewing in China
As the economy falters, resentment between social groups is growing

Sep 23rd 2024

THE TERM “three generations in tobacco” has become a common shorthand in China. On social media it means a privileged elite whose members hand out coveted jobs (such as managerial roles in the state’s tobacco monopoly) to their own types. Earlier this year a microblogger with more than 850,000 followers invoked the meme. “The result of this hereditary system is a closed circle of power that completely cuts off opportunities for people at the bottom to rise up!” he wrote. Hundreds expressed agreement. “The ruling class is solidifying,” one replied. Another fumed: “The children of the elite get ahead, and the children of the poor remain poor.”

In the 1990s, as people became free to move from the countryside into cities and to choose what work to do, social mobility soared. With hard work and native wit, the transformation from farmer to factory owner could be completed in a matter of years. But as the meme suggests, optimism is beginning to fade. The economy is faltering. Opportunities for good jobs are drying up. Many Chinese now talk of shehui guhua, or social stagnation. Among the less well-off, resentment is growing of what is seen as a self-replicating elite. Class enmity is on the rise.

Research led by two American scholars, Scott Rozelle and Martin Whyte, found that people in China once accepted glaring inequality, remaining optimistic that with hard work and ability they could still succeed. But the academics found they are now more likely to say that connections and growing up rich are the keys to success. This irks the Communist Party, which claims to have established a “people’s democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on an alliance of workers and peasants”, as the Chinese constitution puts it. In recent years China’s leader, Xi Jinping, has called for greater efforts to promote social mobility while stressing the need to attain “common prosperity”.

Such talk has had little obvious impact on the public mood, however, beyond spooking businesspeople and wealthier Chinese. In August a popular user of Weibo, a social-media site, railed against the big pensions enjoyed by the elite. “Common folk, do you get it now?…Vested interests are untouchable, you can’t even talk about them,” he wrote. “They’re all parasites,” one person responded. “Vampires,” said another. “Social stagnation is getting worse,” a third chimed in. Someone even ventured: “Without another revolution, it’s impossible to resolve these bizarre injustices.” Within days the thread disappeared from China’s heavily censored internet.

Is China really becoming more socially rigid? Experts debate the evidence. A common way of measuring mobility is by looking at what economists call intergenerational elasticity of income, or IGE. It compares people’s incomes with those of their parents. The closer they are, the less difference there is likely to be between the two generations’ social status. IGE represents the ratio on a scale of zero to one, with a higher number indicating less mobility.

A study published in 2019 by the Institute of Labour Economics, a think-tank in Bonn, found that the IGE of those born between 1970 and 1980 was 0.39. It rose to 0.44 for those born between 1981 and 1988. As in rich countries, the authors say, the reduction of social mobility went hand in hand with growing inequality. The gap between rich and poor in China rose sharply in the 1990s as economic reforms took off. In another paper, also published in 2019, Mengjie Jin of Nanjing University of Finance and Economics and fellow authors said the country was more socially mobile than America, but less so than Britain, Canada and Germany.

Mr Xi does not admit that social stagnation is happening, but he has called for efforts to prevent it. “In some countries, the widening gap between rich and poor and the collapse of the middle class have led to social division, political polarisation and rampant populism,” he said in 2021. “The lessons are profoundly significant!” In July Han Linxiu of Nankai University, writing in an official journal, said he did not believe there was stagnation but “the widespread presence of this negative emotion” was “a potential political risk”.

The C-word
To tackle the problem, the party in 2019 issued its first policy document on the topic of social mobility. As usual, when discussing China, it did not mention the word “class”. The idea that new ones might be forming remains unpalatable to the party’s ideologues. But it said that eliminating barriers to mobility would be “a powerful support for the sustained and healthy development of the economy”. And it correctly identified some of the main obstacles.

The most glaring one is the hukou system of household registration, which limits the ability of migrants from the countryside to get access to subsidised urban health care, education and housing. The nearly 300m who have moved into cities in the past three decades have enjoyed a one-off gain in social standing. But in the cities they are treated as second-class, often barred from good jobs because of requirements that applicants have a local hukou.

The party’s document called for the “equalisation of basic public services…regardless of hukou status”. Reforms have been gaining pace. Some offer migrants with permanent jobs the chance to enjoy the same benefits as native residents, even without changing hukou. But there are still hidden barriers: many migrants do not have contracts to prove their employment or residential status. And the party is reluctant to allow much change in the biggest cities, where the best jobs are concentrated. It fears the impact on social stability if large numbers of migrants become unemployed and do not want to leave.

In the countryside, unequal access to good education is a big impediment to progress. Rural schools pale in comparison to urban ones in terms of funding and staffing. Children with rural hukou have far less chance of completing high school. A big increase in the number of places at universities and colleges opened many more doors. But rural students are hugely under-represented at elite universities. Liu Baozhong of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences reckons that at such institutions, nearly 40% of students are the children of managers and fewer than 10% are the offspring of farmers—even though more than 35% of Chinese live in the countryside.

China’s middle class has expanded rapidly, from almost non-existent in the 1990s to around 400m people today. But within this new class resentments stir, too. Competition for advancement is intense. Parents pour money into helping their children get ahead. In 2021 the government tried to level the playing field by banning most for-profit tutoring services. But this gave the richest an even bigger advantage: they could afford the sky-high prices that tutors began charging for their illicit work.

Many Chinese scholars suggest improving public services to reduce the risk that the poor remain poor, generation after generation, because of health-care costs, inadequate pensions, meagre unemployment benefits and the hidden price of good schooling. But the government is loth to splurge. “To promote common prosperity, we must not adopt the approach of welfarism,” Mr Xi warned in 2021. It supported “lazy people”, he said.

The party’s own elitism doesn’t help. For civil servants and white-collar workers in state firms—coveted types of work—membership is essential for advancement. The civil-service exam is highly regarded for its fairness, but who joins the party is at the whim of insiders. And within the state’s bastions, nepotism is rife.

In a report on its website in April, even state television concurred. It said public concern about “three generations in tobacco” and similar topics on social media was a sign that “there is still quite a bit of ‘inbreeding’ within state-owned enterprises and local-government agencies”. The scourge, it said, was “proliferating in hidden corners”. Netizens leapt on this rare admission. “These people are promoting traditional culture,” quipped one, referring to a pet project of Mr Xi. “Dragons give birth to dragons, phoenixes to phoenixes, and a rat’s son knows how to dig.”

https://www.economist.com/china/2024/09/23/a-new-class-struggle-is-brewing-in-china?

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Date: 1/10/2024 21:02:46
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201141
Subject: re: China Politics

The author of this piece was dumb enough to be a Brexiter and he’s usually consumed by shrill apoplexy like the ideologue he is but it’s worthwhile reading the thoughts of the London ‘Telegraph’s chief economic commentator on the present state of affairs in the PRC if the subject interests you:

Shock and awe: Xi Jinping needs to do more to pull China out of its spiral
By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard

September 30, 2024 — 3.08pm

China urgently needs a stimulus of shock-and-awe proportions, backed by a deep cleansing of its broken banks along the lines of America’s “Tarp” (Troubled Asset Relief Program) rescue in 2008. The latest package announced falls far short.

The drumbeat for radical action is by now deafening. It dominated the recent China Macroeconomy Forum in Hong Kong, where a chorus of influential voices called for a fiscal blast of up to $US1.4 trillion ($2 trillion) to pull the country out of debt deflation and cosmic gloom.

Liu Shijin, a former rate-setter at the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), said the government should issue special bonds worth 8 per cent of GDP to boost social spending, pensions and health care. And to convert the galactic glut of unsold flats into homes for the 180 million-strong army of migrant workers caught in the no-man’s land of the semi-feudal Hukou system.

Mao Zhenhua, co-director of the Renmin Institute of Economic Research, wants a similar package of $US1.4 trillion – or 10 trillion yuan ($2.1 trillion) – proposing direct cash transfers to citizens akin to COVID cheques in the West.

The authorities have been dribbling out stimulus for months, but it has been too half-hearted to arrest the slide into a Keynesian liquidity trap. Disappointing data over recent weeks have finally caused the dam to break. The PBOC cut the reserve requirement ratio by 50 points last Tuesday. There were targeted measures to prop up the crumbling housing market.

Raymond Yeung, China strategist at Australia’s ANZ bank, said the measures will inject a trillion yuan into the banking system but does not add up to a genuine bazooka. “We question whether today’s package can lift China from the deflationary spiral. Massive easing and a complete change in mindset is required,” he said.

“We won’t rush to upgrade our growth forecasts just yet,” said Capital Economics. “The big picture is that monetary policy has lost much of its effectiveness in China.”

Yi Gang, the PBOC’s venerable ex-governor, warned earlier this month that it would take a double-barrelled shot of combined fiscal and monetary stimulus to right the ship, saying it was becoming urgent to “fight deflationary pressure”.

He stopped short of proposing quantitative easing (QE), a remedy still viewed as Western snake oil by the Communist Party. But QE is where China may eventually end up. The GDP deflator has been stuck in negative territory for the last five quarters.

Freya Beamish and Rory Green from TS Lombard said the monetary transmission mechanism is broken, and the Chinese economy is heading for an outright contraction of nominal GDP early next year, although Beijing will massage the figures to disguise this devastating indictment of Xi Jinping’s strategy.

“We’ve both covered the economy for our entire careers and we’ve never been more worried about Chinese growth. Policymakers have chosen demand deflation and that is what they are getting,” they said.

“The mass attempt to deleverage by saving is killing profits and crushing wages. Things could get bad enough to force a bank recapitalisation,” they said.

Official stress tests published last week showed that over half of China’s 4000 mid-sized and small banks would fail a moderate shock, and 10 of the 19 systemic banks would fail a serious shock. The true situation is probably worse.

TS Lombard said a US-style Tarp programme would lift China off the reefs but the Xi regime is more likely to repeat the mistakes of Japan and Europe, papering over problems with mergers that contaminate stronger banks without resolving the debt problem.

Chinese banks are clearly in trouble. Minsheng Bank is halving wages to stay afloat after lending heavily to the bankrupt developer Evergrande. Global Times reports that China International Capital Corporation (CICC) has cut salaries by 65 per cent since the peak four years ago.

Hence the fate of Zheng Wenlu, a 30-year-old investment banker who threw herself off a CICC building in Shanghai. She had a mortgage debt of $US1.5 million and monthly payments of over $US8000. The property crash had wiped out her 40 per cent down payment and left her in negative equity. Pay cuts pushed her into insolvency.

This is an extreme case, but it has touched a nerve among netizens caught in the deflationary pincers of falling pay and falling home equity. Centaline’s property price index for Tier 1 cities has fallen 28 per cent over three years. The estimated paper loss for all homes across China is $US18 trillion. This is causing a contractionary snowball effect through the wealth effect.

Robin Xing, from Morgan Stanley, said the economy is entering a second stage of entrenched deflation driven by a negative “wage price spiral” and surging urban unemployment that could be very hard to reverse.

The De Tocqueville theory of revolutions is that regimes are most vulnerable when a long period of rising living standards is interrupted by a depression. If so, it is a mystery why Xi Jinping is allowing this slow-motion train crash to happen.

His response at the Third Plenum in July was to double down on extreme over-investment in industry rather than taking steps to lift consumption. It is a bet that China can export its way out of its slump while at the same time achieving global clean-tech hegemony.

This is not a remotely plausible strategy. The world will not tolerate a state of affairs where China produces 31 per cent of total manufactured goods but – due to the forced savings of its Leninist structure – accounts for 13 per cent of total consumption.

The country has already built solar and lithium battery capacity that exceeds total global demand twice over. It is playing the same game with EVs, electrolysers, heat pumps, air conditioners, etc. Does the Politburo really think that China can get away with dumping its unemployment on our societies and demolishing our industries by means of predatory mercantilism?

Investors need to watch China very closely over the next six months.

But there may be another reason for China’s reluctance to stimulate demand. Xu Gao, the chief economist at Bank of China, says much of the policy elite in Beijing has fallen under the spell of Friedrich Hayek and the Austrian business cycle.

Hayek is neglected in the West – few still read Prices and Production or The Fatal Conceit: The Errors of Socialism – but his market fundamentalism is perversely fashionable in Communist China.

Any attempt to alleviate China’s post-bubble pain is decried as “drinking poison to quench one’s thirst”. Excess credit must be purged by liquidation, with no interference in the self-correction process. Hardliners say that curing a debt crisis by pushing the augmented fiscal deficit to 14 per cent or 15 per cent of GDP is pure hemlock.

This economic ideology is fully aligned with Xi Jinping’s views on social discipline and moral fibre. “Welfarism” is a dirty word in Xi Thought. It fosters “lazy people who get something for nothing,” as he puts it.

Yet China’s leader may conclude that the punishment beatings have gone too far and that the survival of the Communist Party is better served by letting the Chinese people consume more of their own hard labour, and by retreating from trade wars with Europe, America and India.

Xi abandoned the Maoist lunacy of “dynamic zero COVID” suddenly and without explanation. It is not impossible that he will listen seriously to those now calling for a drastic change of course and Roosevelt policies. Should he do so, it will change the global economic landscape overnight and set asset markets on fire.

Investors need to watch China very closely over the next six months.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/shock-and-awe-xi-jinping-needs-to-do-more-to-pull-china-out-of-its-spiral-20240925-p5kd91.html?

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Date: 2/10/2024 18:25:38
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201376
Subject: re: China Politics

China is in deep trouble despite a surging sharemarket

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
October 2, 2024 — 11.59am

Last week’s monetary policy barrage has set China’s sharemarkets alight, but is that the sound of one hand clapping?

Since the People’s Bank of China announced its package of stimulatory measures targeted at the property market and sharemarket, the CSI300 index of China’s largest companies has soared more than 18 per cent on record turnovers.

That’s perhaps not surprising. The PBOC announced $100 billion-plus of cheap funding for non-bank financial institutions to buy shares, while saying it was willing to provide even more. In effect, it is the explicit equivalent of the “Fed put” in the US, or the conviction that the central bank will bail out investors and put a floor under the market in times of stress.

China’s sharemarkets had been falling for the past three and a half years, more or less in tandem with the implosion in the country’s property market. Even after the past week’s massive spike, which truncated a decline of more than 40 per cent, the market is still down more than 30 per cent.

The authorities will be hoping that the PBOC’s intervention produces both psychological and real effects for households whose major sources of wealth – property and shares – have been decimated over the past few years, and who are in deep risk-aversion mode, focusing on deleveraging and saving rather than spending.

The bounce in the sharemarket will have some wealth effects but, if sustained, could also rekindle some confidence in the country’s economic management.

The other tranche of the PBOC’s actions related to property, where it cut its main policy rates and reduced the reserve requirement ratio for banks, which could boost their lending by several hundred billion dollars, while lowering the interest rates on existing mortgages and reducing the required downpayment for second homes.

Those measures are also having some initial positive impacts, buttressed by the decisions in recent days of several tier-one cities to remove or reduce their restrictions on property purchases. Sales of high-end properties in Shanghai and Shenzhen surged instantly.

While it is encouraging that last week’s unexpected Politburo meeting acknowledged the depth of the problems within the country’s property sector and the need to stop it from falling further, making it easier and cheaper for wealthy buyers in tier-one cities to buy new or second homes won’t resolve the larger problem.

China has an estimated 90 million or more empty homes and more than 10 million unfinished apartments, most of them in second-, third- and fourth-tier cities. While the tier-one cities might continue to attract more people even as China’s population continues to shrink, it exacerbates the challenges within the lesser cities and regions.

Beijing tried to address that issue earlier this year by offering low-cost finance to local governments and state-owned enterprises so that they could buy empty apartments for affordable housing. With property prices still in freefall, there were few takers.

An obvious, if expensive, “solution” to the property crisis would be for the central government, which has low debts of its own (most of China’s significant debt burden is held within its local governments and state-owned enterprises) to acquire a major proportion of the excess property stock itself and use it for social housing.

The cost of making a meaningful dent in that excess inventory would probably amount to the equivalent of hundreds of billions of dollars, perhaps more than half a trillion.

As noted last week, so far what we’ve seen in response to an economy that is flagging has come from the PBOC. Monetary policy is, so far, carrying the full weight of the efforts to stimulate activity, with fiscal policy missing in action. The PBOC can’t reflate the economy on its own.

There is a National People’s Congress late this month where that may change, with party officials hinting over the past few days at the prospect of fiscal stimulus.

Ahead of this week’s holiday to mark the 75th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping made it clear that he, perhaps belatedly, recognises that China’s economy is experiencing a difficult and potentially pivotal moment.

“We must be mindful of potential dangers and be prepared for rainy days,” he said in a speech on Monday to commemorate the anniversary.

“The road ahead cannot be smooth. There will be obstacles and difficulties, even major challenges like surging torrents and storms.”

Even with the monetary stimulus, China may miss its growth target for this year of “about 5 per cent” but, more threatening, it has been experiencing disinflation and risks falling into the debt and deflation trap that engulfed Japan’s economy in the 1990s.

It needs policies that break what is now almost an entrenched cycle of excess savings and weak consumption from risk-averse households, massive overcapacity in its industrial base and an over-reliance on an export-led strategy that is running into increasing resistance from China’s trade partners.

Halting the fall in the property market is a prerequisite for stabilising the domestic economy and consumer confidence. Lifting consumption, whether via the cash handouts to households that Xi disdains or by a massive injection of funds into social welfare, health and education, is another.

Giving China’s entrepreneurial private sector – which is far more productive than the state-owned sector – more encouragement and a less coercive environment would be helpful.

The authorities will be hoping that the PBOC’s intervention produces both psychological and real effects for households whose major sources of wealth – property and shares – have been decimated over the past few years.

The current Beijing-driven focus on advanced manufacturing, which has resulted in overcapacity and a big increase in export volumes but falling export prices (hence the pushback from its trade partners), isn’t going to stimulate domestic consumer activity.

At last week’s Politburo meeting, there was a reference to the need to make “countercyclical adjustments” through fiscal and monetary policies and to maintain fiscal expenditures. Government spending has been falling recently, adding to the drag on the economy from the property market and consumer caution.

Whether the party and Xi, in particular, have the stomach for the “Big Bang” fiscal stimulus the economy seems to need is questionable. To date, the approach has been piecemeal – a large number of relatively modest measures that have generally had little impact.

While Xi seems to believe that fiscal stimulus is wasteful and its recipients lazy, until last week the economy was tracking towards something quite bleak.

The PBOC has now, at least for the moment, ended the sharemarket rout and there are some very tentative and faint signs of life within the tier-one city property markets.

It will now be up to Xi and his senior policymakers to seize that moment and make significant structural changes to their economy – and to Xi’s economic strategies – or miss the opportunity to arrest what might otherwise become an entrenched decline.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/china-s-100-billion-bazooka-won-t-fix-its-biggest-problem-20241002-p5kf6a.html?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:30:07
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201377
Subject: re: China Politics

As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:35:01
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201381
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

That might depend on the US election. If Trump basically abandons Ukraine to Russia without admitting it to Nato and pledging to at least defend Ukraines new reduced borders I’d wager a 50% chance Xi would invade Taiwan during Trump’s second term.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:35:27
From: Cymek
ID: 2201382
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

I wonder how his mind set believes it’s Chinese territory

They kind of parted ways many years ago and China got the lions shares of land and resources

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:37:19
From: Cymek
ID: 2201385
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


captain_spalding said:

As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

That might depend on the US election. If Trump basically abandons Ukraine to Russia without admitting it to Nato and pledging to at least defend Ukraines new reduced borders I’d wager a 50% chance Xi would invade Taiwan during Trump’s second term.

Its interesting to imagine what China would consider acceptable losses invading Taiwan.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:38:41
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201386
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


captain_spalding said:

As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

I wonder how his mind set believes it’s Chinese territory

They kind of parted ways many years ago and China got the lions shares of land and resources

And Xi’s policy in Hong Kong have shown how little he respects the tenets of ‘one country – two systems’.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:40:22
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201387
Subject: re: China Politics

liberate

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:42:05
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201389
Subject: re: China Politics

anyway if there’s actually a real housing shortage in Australia and a real property market collapse in CHINA then guess what

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:42:31
From: Cymek
ID: 2201390
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Cymek said:

captain_spalding said:

As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

I wonder how his mind set believes it’s Chinese territory

They kind of parted ways many years ago and China got the lions shares of land and resources

And Xi’s policy in Hong Kong have shown how little he respects the tenets of ‘one country – two systems’.

Absolutely

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:44:09
From: Peak Warming Man
ID: 2201392
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

anyway if there’s actually a real housing shortage in Australia and a real property market collapse in CHINA then guess what

They’ll…………gulp……………they’ll come and take our houses?

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:47:39
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201393
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

Cymek said:

I wonder how his mind set believes it’s Chinese territory

They kind of parted ways many years ago and China got the lions shares of land and resources

And Xi’s policy in Hong Kong have shown how little he respects the tenets of ‘one country – two systems’.

Absolutely

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

it’s like they said about the pyramids, why is Hong Kong in CHINA¿

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:53:18
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201396
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

captain_spalding said:

As long as he doesn’t see a war over Taiwan as a handy go-to for a fiscal policy adjustment.

That might depend on the US election. If Trump basically abandons Ukraine to Russia without admitting it to Nato and pledging to at least defend Ukraines new reduced borders I’d wager a 50% chance Xi would invade Taiwan during Trump’s second term.

Its interesting to imagine what China would consider acceptable losses invading Taiwan.

In terms of lives: the sky’s the limit.

‘Human wave’ attacks have always been at the heart of any Chinese military strategy.

Sure, the Russians proved themselves to be ready adopters of the method, but, really, it’s the Chinese who wrote the book on the matter. They brought it to its apotheosis in Korea. There’s nothing to suggest that they’d not employ the same strategy today.

No cost, in lives or materiel, would be too high for Xi and the CCP, as long as they have a ‘win’ to show for it. If they have that, then they can tell the Chinese people that their kids died as heroes, for the sake of China.

Only if there’s a vast butcher’s bill, with nothing to show for it, need they be concerned about how the Chinese react. And they would be concerned. Everything we’ve seen since Tiananmen Square in 1989 has confirmed the truism the the CCP fears nothing as much as it fears the Chinese people. They know that they got into power on the back of a revolution, and they know they could lose power the same way

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:54:34
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201397
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


Cymek said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

That might depend on the US election. If Trump basically abandons Ukraine to Russia without admitting it to Nato and pledging to at least defend Ukraines new reduced borders I’d wager a 50% chance Xi would invade Taiwan during Trump’s second term.

Its interesting to imagine what China would consider acceptable losses invading Taiwan.

In terms of lives: the sky’s the limit.

‘Human wave’ attacks have always been at the heart of any Chinese military strategy.

Sure, the Russians proved themselves to be ready adopters of the method, but, really, it’s the Chinese who wrote the book on the matter. They brought it to its apotheosis in Korea. There’s nothing to suggest that they’d not employ the same strategy today.

No cost, in lives or materiel, would be too high for Xi and the CCP, as long as they have a ‘win’ to show for it. If they have that, then they can tell the Chinese people that their kids died as heroes, for the sake of China.

Only if there’s a vast butcher’s bill, with nothing to show for it, need they be concerned about how the Chinese react. And they would be concerned. Everything we’ve seen since Tiananmen Square in 1989 has confirmed the truism the the CCP fears nothing as much as it fears the Chinese people. They know that they got into power on the back of a revolution, and they know they could lose power the same way

that’s right they’re not human just meat for grinding

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 18:58:12
From: party_pants
ID: 2201398
Subject: re: China Politics

Cymek said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

Cymek said:

I wonder how his mind set believes it’s Chinese territory

They kind of parted ways many years ago and China got the lions shares of land and resources

And Xi’s policy in Hong Kong have shown how little he respects the tenets of ‘one country – two systems’.

Absolutely

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

The CCP is just not capable of leaving it alone.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 19:08:56
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201400
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


Cymek said:

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

The CCP is just not capable of leaving it alone.

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 19:37:02
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201404
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


party_pants said:

Cymek said:

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

The CCP is just not capable of leaving it alone.

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

We should note that the CCP has not always been monolithic since Mao’s demise. But Xi cares more for power than the good of his people and has put an end to any semblance of a diversity of opinions and of group decision making in his time at the top.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hu_Jintao_removal_incident

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 19:47:17
From: party_pants
ID: 2201405
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


party_pants said:

Cymek said:

Leaving Hong Kong as independent would have given a lot of kudos to China as well

The CCP is just not capable of leaving it alone.

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

The Chinese people are waiting for Xi’s regime to collapse, either completely or an internal party revolt. They are calling it the junk time of history, or at least they were until Chinese social media starting blocking the terms and binning users. But the sentiment is still there, Xi has fumbled the ball and they are waiting for someone to get rid of him.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 20:20:16
From: diddly-squat
ID: 2201411
Subject: re: China Politics

party_pants said:


captain_spalding said:

party_pants said:

The CCP is just not capable of leaving it alone.

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

The Chinese people are waiting for Xi’s regime to collapse, either completely or an internal party revolt. They are calling it the junk time of history, or at least they were until Chinese social media starting blocking the terms and binning users. But the sentiment is still there, Xi has fumbled the ball and they are waiting for someone to get rid of him.

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 20:45:17
From: party_pants
ID: 2201412
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


party_pants said:

captain_spalding said:

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

The Chinese people are waiting for Xi’s regime to collapse, either completely or an internal party revolt. They are calling it the junk time of history, or at least they were until Chinese social media starting blocking the terms and binning users. But the sentiment is still there, Xi has fumbled the ball and they are waiting for someone to get rid of him.

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

We must be relying on different sources.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 20:46:55
From: poikilotherm
ID: 2201413
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


party_pants said:

captain_spalding said:

To leave it as it was would have been to provide a haven for expressing ideas. Ideas that the CCP doesn’t feel comfortable with. Like asking questions about the government’s decisions, about refusing to comply with those decisions, about alternatives to what the government says and demands, about people other than the incumbent government who might do things differently/better.

Communism started as an idea that occurred to a German exile sitting in the reading room of the British Library. Next thing you know, the most populous nation on the planet is being run by an outfit that, at least nominally, subscribes to that idea.

Ideas can be dangerous, the CCP believes. No way Hong Kong could be left alone.

The Chinese people are waiting for Xi’s regime to collapse, either completely or an internal party revolt. They are calling it the junk time of history, or at least they were until Chinese social media starting blocking the terms and binning users. But the sentiment is still there, Xi has fumbled the ball and they are waiting for someone to get rid of him.

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

No more cultural revolutions, might get eaten

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 20:57:27
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201414
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

And, when politics gets in your way in China, it does it big-time.

Everyone’s well aware that there’s always a vacancy at the Xinjiang Hilton.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 23:07:02
From: Kingy
ID: 2201431
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 23:19:46
From: tauto
ID: 2201433
Subject: re: China Politics

Kingy said:


diddly-squat said:

… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

___

And the shared association is they have elections and dictators.
If you can put your opponent in jail or a grave, or scare such, then you are a dictator.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 23:53:55
From: diddly-squat
ID: 2201437
Subject: re: China Politics

Kingy said:


diddly-squat said:

… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

Most middle class Russian and Chinese people don’t care about politics, nor do they desire a different life. It may be hard to comprehend but that’s just the way it is.

I mean authoritarian governments suck arse for people that seek certain political freedoms but most people either don’t care or are content with the status quo.

Reply Quote

Date: 2/10/2024 23:54:55
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201438
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

diddly-squat said:

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

And, when politics gets in your way in China, it does it big-time.

Everyone’s well aware that there’s always a vacancy at the Xinjiang Hilton.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:00:10
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201439
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


Kingy said:

diddly-squat said:

… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

Most middle class Russian and Chinese people don’t care about politics, nor do they desire a different life. It may be hard to comprehend but that’s just the way it is.

I mean authoritarian governments suck arse for people that seek certain political freedoms but most people either don’t care or are content with the status quo.

That’s a load of bullshit.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:03:53
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201443
Subject: re: China Politics

Theocracy Is Better

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:14:26
From: diddly-squat
ID: 2201444
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


diddly-squat said:

Kingy said:

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

Most middle class Russian and Chinese people don’t care about politics, nor do they desire a different life. It may be hard to comprehend but that’s just the way it is.

I mean authoritarian governments suck arse for people that seek certain political freedoms but most people either don’t care or are content with the status quo.

That’s a load of bullshit.

Are you suggesting that most Russian and Chinese people are deeply politically engaged and seek greater levels of freedom to express their political viewpoints?

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:20:59
From: dv
ID: 2201445
Subject: re: China Politics

China and Russia are pretty different places. The Russian economy has scarcely grown in 12 years, and half a million of their young men have been killed or incapacitated in a pointless war. People who are able to are fleeing the country.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:21:38
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201446
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

diddly-squat said:

Most middle class Russian and Chinese people don’t care about politics, nor do they desire a different life. It may be hard to comprehend but that’s just the way it is.

I mean authoritarian governments suck arse for people that seek certain political freedoms but most people either don’t care or are content with the status quo.

That’s a load of bullshit.

Are you suggesting that most Russian and Chinese people are deeply politically engaged and seek greater levels of freedom to express their political viewpoints?

I expect they are just as interested in politics as people in western democracies. See the Umbrella Movement, the Maidan protests, Iranian protests over the past couple of years, the entire Arab Spring, Alexei Navalny etc etc etc.

Heck, 10% of China’s population are members of the CCP compared to 2-3% of Australia’s population being paid up political party members. Frankly your contention is ridiculous.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:22:18
From: Kingy
ID: 2201447
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


Kingy said:

diddly-squat said:

… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

That’s working so well for the Russian civvies so far…

Most middle class Russian and Chinese people don’t care about politics, nor do they desire a different life. It may be hard to comprehend but that’s just the way it is.

I mean authoritarian governments suck arse for people that seek certain political freedoms but most people either don’t care or are content with the status quo.

How many russian civvies have been sent to the meat grinder. I’m pretty sure that they cared about politics shortly after they heard a drone above them.

putins narrative was that if you don’t get involved in politics, then you will be ok.

650,000+ Russian casualties so far, and counting.

Not sure if I grokked your meaning, but it’s late. I mean no disrespect.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:37:03
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201449
Subject: re: China Politics

All Of Life Is Politics Therefore Both Sides Are Arguing Disingenuously ¡

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 00:43:54
From: diddly-squat
ID: 2201450
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


diddly-squat said:

Witty Rejoinder said:

That’s a load of bullshit.

Are you suggesting that most Russian and Chinese people are deeply politically engaged and seek greater levels of freedom to express their political viewpoints?

I expect they are just as interested in politics as people in western democracies. See the Umbrella Movement, the Maidan protests, Iranian protests over the past couple of years, the entire Arab Spring, Alexei Navalny etc etc etc.

Heck, 10% of China’s population are members of the CCP compared to 2-3% of Australia’s population being paid up political party members. Frankly your contention is ridiculous.

While the channel was active I watched a lot of the street interviews on the 1420 YouTube channel. A majority of regular Russian people support the actions of their government. A lot of people also mention that the workings of government are not of interest to them.

My comments of China are a result of regular discussions with persons in our Beijing office. Note also that a lot of people are members of the CCP because it’s required of them as a part of their work (government employees for instance, of which there are many).

There has been more political unrest in Iran than has been in China or Russia. Even protests in Hong Kong have pretty much evaporated.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 02:13:05
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201453
Subject: re: China Politics

diddly-squat said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

diddly-squat said:

Are you suggesting that most Russian and Chinese people are deeply politically engaged and seek greater levels of freedom to express their political viewpoints?

I expect they are just as interested in politics as people in western democracies. See the Umbrella Movement, the Maidan protests, Iranian protests over the past couple of years, the entire Arab Spring, Alexei Navalny etc etc etc.

Heck, 10% of China’s population are members of the CCP compared to 2-3% of Australia’s population being paid up political party members. Frankly your contention is ridiculous.

While the channel was active I watched a lot of the street interviews on the 1420 YouTube channel. A majority of regular Russian people support the actions of their government. A lot of people also mention that the workings of government are not of interest to them.

My comments of China are a result of regular discussions with persons in our Beijing office. Note also that a lot of people are members of the CCP because it’s required of them as a part of their work (government employees for instance, of which there are many).

There has been more political unrest in Iran than has been in China or Russia. Even protests in Hong Kong have pretty much evaporated.

Because people in Hong Kong don’t want to be charged with sedition. You are very naive if you think Beijingers would be open with you about politics in phone calls when they hardly know you. You don’t seem to understand the pervasiveness of authoritarian regimes and how people will just keep their head down so as not to be targeted not because they are happy with their political system but rather because it is the path of least resistance to eek out any semblance of a life for themselves and their families.

The idea that Hong Kongers are now happy with their government because they’ve seemingly stopped protesting is laughable.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 07:44:31
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201460
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

diddly-squat said:

I have weekly interactions with people in our Beijing office. As far as I can discern there is very little social disharmony… the broad social contract in China is if people stay out of the way of politics then politics will stay out of their way.

And, when politics gets in your way in China, it does it big-time.

Everyone’s well aware that there’s always a vacancy at the Xinjiang Hilton.


I should have remembered the quotation marks: the ‘Xinjiang Hilton’.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 07:46:38
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201462
Subject: re: China Politics

If The Real Estate Mogul Says It Enough Times It Must Be True¡

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 07:53:38
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201465
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

If The Real Estate Mogul Says It Enough Times It Must Be True¡

sorry we meant this was about the idea that all CHINA people who are enrolled to vote are enrolled because they care deeply about national politics

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 07:54:55
From: SCIENCE
ID: 2201466
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

And, when politics gets in your way in China, it does it big-time.

Everyone’s well aware that there’s always a vacancy at the Xinjiang Hilton.


I should have remembered the quotation marks: the ‘Xinjiang Hilton’.

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 10:53:59
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201480
Subject: re: China Politics

SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:


I should have remembered the quotation marks: the ‘Xinjiang Hilton’.

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 10:58:56
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201482
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

I should have remembered the quotation marks: the ‘Xinjiang Hilton’.

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

You could say that of many physically and culturally important destinations until of course they become the next must-go destination. Xinjiang is a bit of a cross between Tibet and Mongolia and i’d wager you’d be more appreciative of those places. Have you seen ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’? The Gobi Desert and steppe landscape is very beautiful.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 11:02:41
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201484
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

You could say that of many physically and culturally important destinations until of course they become the next must-go destination. Xinjiang is a bit of a cross between Tibet and Mongolia and i’d wager you’d be more appreciative of those places. Have you seen ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’? The Gobi Desert and steppe landscape is very beautiful.

Someone i used to work with went to Mongolia for a holiday tour, and her description of it, and her photos and videos, did make it seem to be a much more interesting and pretty place than you might imagine.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 11:05:52
From: Michael V
ID: 2201488
Subject: re: China Politics

captain_spalding said:


SCIENCE said:

captain_spalding said:

I should have remembered the quotation marks: the ‘Xinjiang Hilton’.

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

I would love to sample the street food there.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 11:08:42
From: buffy
ID: 2201489
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


captain_spalding said:

SCIENCE said:

whereas we actually appreciated the levity here and were just being deliberately straight

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

You could say that of many physically and culturally important destinations until of course they become the next must-go destination. Xinjiang is a bit of a cross between Tibet and Mongolia and i’d wager you’d be more appreciative of those places. Have you seen ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’? The Gobi Desert and steppe landscape is very beautiful.

And the spices. Xinjiang spice mix is great.

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 11:11:53
From: captain_spalding
ID: 2201491
Subject: re: China Politics

buffy said:


Witty Rejoinder said:

captain_spalding said:

I was surprised to learn that there actually is a Xinjiang Hilton.

I can’t imagine why anyone would want to go to Xinjiang, and it boggles the mind to think that anyone would actually want to stay there for any period of time.

You could say that of many physically and culturally important destinations until of course they become the next must-go destination. Xinjiang is a bit of a cross between Tibet and Mongolia and i’d wager you’d be more appreciative of those places. Have you seen ‘Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon’? The Gobi Desert and steppe landscape is very beautiful.

And the spices. Xinjiang spice mix is great.

I wonder if the Asian foods shop around the corner has any?

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 13:13:03
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2201535
Subject: re: China Politics

Also:

Why is Xi Jinping building secret commodity stockpiles?
Vast new holdings of grain, natural gas and oil suggest trouble ahead

Jul 23rd 2024

Over the past two decades China has devoured enormous amounts of raw materials. Its population has grown bigger and richer, requiring more dairy, grain and meat. Its giant industries have been ravenous for energy and metals. In recent years, though, the economy has suffered from political mismanagement and a property crisis. Chinese officials are adamant that they want to shift away from resource-intensive industries. Logic dictates that the country’s appetite for commodities should be shrinking, and shrinking fast.

In reality, the opposite is happening. Last year China’s imports of many basic resources broke records, and imports of all types of commodities surged by 16% in volume terms. They are still rising, up by 6% in the first five months of this year. Given the country’s economic struggles, that does not reflect growing consumption. Instead, China appears to be stockpiling materials at a rapid pace—and at a time when commodities are expensive. Policymakers in Beijing seem to be worried about new geopolitical threats, not least that a new, hawkish American president could try to choke crucial supply routes to China.

The fear is warranted, for China depends on foreign resources. Although it is the world’s refining centre for many metals, it imports much of the raw material required, ranging from 70% of the bauxite it uses to 97% of cobalt. China keeps the lights on only with imported energy. It has a lot of coal, but its deposits of other fuels do not match its needs, forcing it to bring in 40% of its natural gas and 70% of its crude oil. China’s dependence is most acute for food. In 2000 almost everything citizens ate was produced at home; today less than two-thirds is. The country imports 85% of the 125m tonnes a year of soya beans it uses to feed its 400m pigs. Its reliance on foreign farmers is near total for coffee, palm oil and some dairy products.

Aware of this vulnerability, China started building “strategic” stockpiles of grain and defence-related minerals at the end of the cold war, which it then added to at the peak of its economic boom with petroleum and industrial metals. Three recent events have prompted more stockpiling. In 2018 President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on Chinese exports worth $60bn a year, forcing China to retaliate by slapping duties on American soya beans. Next came covid-19, which disrupted supply chains and raised the cost of materials. War in Ukraine then inflated prices and showed America’s will to use embargoes.

Now Mr Trump, who makes no secret of his desire to hobble China, has a decent chance of returning to power. In a confrontation, America could restrict its own food exports to China, which have rebounded since a truce of sorts was reached, and lean on other big suppliers such as Argentina and Brazil to do likewise. It could try to influence countries that sell metals to China, including Australia and Chile. And most of China’s commodity imports are shipped through a few straits and canals that America could seek to block for Chinese vessels by, say, posting military ships nearby.

China seems to be readying itself for a more hostile environment. Its preparations start with scaling up storage infrastructure. By contrast with America, where strategic reserves are state-controlled, in China they also take the form of private tanks, silos and warehouses, which officials in Beijing have access to in times of crisis.

Since 2020 China’s crude-storage capacity has increased from 1.7bn to 2bn barrels. The location of many such sites is secret, but satellite imagery suggests that known ones have grown fast since 2022, says Emma Li of Vortexa, a data firm. Similarly, the capacity of underground gas caves grew six-fold between 2010 and 2020, to 15bn cubic metres (bcm); the target is to reach 55bcm by next year. China is also building a dozen or so tanks to hold liquefied gas along its coast. JPMorgan Chase, a bank, forecasts that total gas-storage capacity will hit 85bcm by 2030.

China is now filling these facilities. In another sign of increasing caginess, state statisticians have stopped releasing data for stocks of many commodities. Yet there are ways to gauge the degree of concern. America’s Department of Agriculture forecasts that, by the end of the current growing season, China’s wheat and maize stocks will represent 51% and 67% of the world’s, respectively, up five to ten percentage points from 2018. These are thought to be enough to cover at least a year’s demand. Stocks of soya beans, China’s biggest farming import, have doubled since 2018, to 39m tonnes, and are projected to hit 42m tonnes by the end of the season.

More striking still has been China’s effort to stash metals and fuel. By estimating the amounts of copper, nickel and various other metals that China could have consumed and comparing it with supply, Tom Price of Panmure Liberum, a bank, finds that the country’s inventory build-up since 2018 has been sufficient to cover at least 35% to 133% of its annual demand, depending on the commodity. By the end of spring China also had 25bcm of gas in storage, enough to meet 23 days of consumption, and up from 15 days’ worth five years ago. Parsley Ong of JPMorgan expects that this cover will reach 28 days by 2030.

Crude stocks, meanwhile, have risen by 900,000 barrels a day (b/d) since the start of the year, estimates Rapidan Energy, a consultancy. At 1.5m b/d, the filling rate was fastest in June, suggesting that it is accelerating. This has helped China’s inventory near 1.3bn barrels, enough to cover 115 days of imports (America holds 800m barrels). On top of this, China has told oil firms to add 60m to stockpiles by the end of March. Rapidan thinks reserves will grow even faster, with China adding as many as 700m barrels by the end of 2025.

This stockpiling is worrying Americans, and not just because it could fuel inflation by raising commodity prices. The supplies China is after are those it would need to survive a conflict, perhaps as it blockades Taiwan. “When you juxtapose that against China’s military build-up, it starts to be very concerning,” says Gabriel Collins, a former analyst at America’s defence department. For now, the evidence suggests that hoarding is more likely to be a defensive measure, since it is not yet on a scale to be secure in a hot conflict. American officials should watch closely for the moment that starts to change.

https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2024/07/23/why-is-xi-jinping-building-secret-commodity-stockpiles

Reply Quote

Date: 3/10/2024 13:22:19
From: Cymek
ID: 2201536
Subject: re: China Politics

Witty Rejoinder said:


Also:

Why is Xi Jinping building secret commodity stockpiles?
Vast new holdings of grain, natural gas and oil suggest trouble ahead

Jul 23rd 2024

Over the past two decades China has devoured enormous amounts of raw materials. Its population has grown bigger and richer, requiring more dairy, grain and meat. Its giant industries have been ravenous for energy and metals. In recent years, though, the economy has suffered from political mismanagement and a property crisis. Chinese officials are adamant that they want to shift away from resource-intensive industries. Logic dictates that the country’s appetite for commodities should be shrinking, and shrinking fast.

In reality, the opposite is happening. Last year China’s imports of many basic resources broke records, and imports of all types of commodities surged by 16% in volume terms. They are still rising, up by 6% in the first five months of this year. Given the country’s economic struggles, that does not reflect growing consumption. Instead, China appears to be stockpiling materials at a rapid pace—and at a time when commodities are expensive. Policymakers in Beijing seem to be worried about new geopolitical threats, not least that a new, hawkish American president could try to choke crucial supply routes to China.

The fear is warranted, for China depends on foreign resources. Although it is the world’s refining centre for many metals, it imports much of the raw material required, ranging from 70% of the bauxite it uses to 97% of cobalt. China keeps the lights on only with imported energy. It has a lot of coal, but its deposits of other fuels do not match its needs, forcing it to bring in 40% of its natural gas and 70% of its crude oil. China’s dependence is most acute for food. In 2000 almost everything citizens ate was produced at home; today less than two-thirds is. The country imports 85% of the 125m tonnes a year of soya beans it uses to feed its 400m pigs. Its reliance on foreign farmers is near total for coffee, palm oil and some dairy products.

Aware of this vulnerability, China started building “strategic” stockpiles of grain and defence-related minerals at the end of the cold war, which it then added to at the peak of its economic boom with petroleum and industrial metals. Three recent events have prompted more stockpiling. In 2018 President Donald Trump imposed tariffs on Chinese exports worth $60bn a year, forcing China to retaliate by slapping duties on American soya beans. Next came covid-19, which disrupted supply chains and raised the cost of materials. War in Ukraine then inflated prices and showed America’s will to use embargoes.

Now Mr Trump, who makes no secret of his desire to hobble China, has a decent chance of returning to power. In a confrontation, America could restrict its own food exports to China, which have rebounded since a truce of sorts was reached, and lean on other big suppliers such as Argentina and Brazil to do likewise. It could try to influence countries that sell metals to China, including Australia and Chile. And most of China’s commodity imports are shipped through a few straits and canals that America could seek to block for Chinese vessels by, say, posting military ships nearby.

China seems to be readying itself for a more hostile environment. Its preparations start with scaling up storage infrastructure. By contrast with America, where strategic reserves are state-controlled, in China they also take the form of private tanks, silos and warehouses, which officials in Beijing have access to in times of crisis.

Since 2020 China’s crude-storage capacity has increased from 1.7bn to 2bn barrels. The location of many such sites is secret, but satellite imagery suggests that known ones have grown fast since 2022, says Emma Li of Vortexa, a data firm. Similarly, the capacity of underground gas caves grew six-fold between 2010 and 2020, to 15bn cubic metres (bcm); the target is to reach 55bcm by next year. China is also building a dozen or so tanks to hold liquefied gas along its coast. JPMorgan Chase, a bank, forecasts that total gas-storage capacity will hit 85bcm by 2030.

China is now filling these facilities. In another sign of increasing caginess, state statisticians have stopped releasing data for stocks of many commodities. Yet there are ways to gauge the degree of concern. America’s Department of Agriculture forecasts that, by the end of the current growing season, China’s wheat and maize stocks will represent 51% and 67% of the world’s, respectively, up five to ten percentage points from 2018. These are thought to be enough to cover at least a year’s demand. Stocks of soya beans, China’s biggest farming import, have doubled since 2018, to 39m tonnes, and are projected to hit 42m tonnes by the end of the season.

More striking still has been China’s effort to stash metals and fuel. By estimating the amounts of copper, nickel and various other metals that China could have consumed and comparing it with supply, Tom Price of Panmure Liberum, a bank, finds that the country’s inventory build-up since 2018 has been sufficient to cover at least 35% to 133% of its annual demand, depending on the commodity. By the end of spring China also had 25bcm of gas in storage, enough to meet 23 days of consumption, and up from 15 days’ worth five years ago. Parsley Ong of JPMorgan expects that this cover will reach 28 days by 2030.

Crude stocks, meanwhile, have risen by 900,000 barrels a day (b/d) since the start of the year, estimates Rapidan Energy, a consultancy. At 1.5m b/d, the filling rate was fastest in June, suggesting that it is accelerating. This has helped China’s inventory near 1.3bn barrels, enough to cover 115 days of imports (America holds 800m barrels). On top of this, China has told oil firms to add 60m to stockpiles by the end of March. Rapidan thinks reserves will grow even faster, with China adding as many as 700m barrels by the end of 2025.

This stockpiling is worrying Americans, and not just because it could fuel inflation by raising commodity prices. The supplies China is after are those it would need to survive a conflict, perhaps as it blockades Taiwan. “When you juxtapose that against China’s military build-up, it starts to be very concerning,” says Gabriel Collins, a former analyst at America’s defence department. For now, the evidence suggests that hoarding is more likely to be a defensive measure, since it is not yet on a scale to be secure in a hot conflict. American officials should watch closely for the moment that starts to change.

https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2024/07/23/why-is-xi-jinping-building-secret-commodity-stockpiles

Makes sense doesn’t it, forward planning.

Reply Quote

Date: 5/10/2024 18:00:45
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2202287
Subject: re: China Politics

China is using an “anaconda strategy” to squeeze Taiwan
Taiwan’s navy commander warns that his forces are increasingly strained

Oct 3rd 2024|TAIPEI

China’s dislike of Taiwan’s president Lai Ching-te is no secret. Chinese authorities call him a stubborn, confrontational “separatist” who may provoke war in the Taiwan Strait. But since Mr Lai’s election in May, it is China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) that has been raising the chances of conflict by deploying more air and naval craft around Taiwan. “The PLA is using an ‘anaconda strategy’ to squeeze the island,” says Admiral Tang Hua, Taiwan’s navy commander.

In an interview with The Economist, Admiral Tang (pictured) warns that Chinese forces are “slowly, but surely” increasing their presence around his country. “They are ready to blockade Taiwan at any time they want,” he says. His concerns are backed up by the data. The number of PLA air incursions across the median line, the de facto border in the middle of the Taiwan Strait, has jumped more than five-fold, from 36 in January to 193 in August. The number of PLA ships operating around Taiwan has steadily risen, too, doubling from 142 in January to 282 in August. These vessels are also coming closer to Taiwan—right along its contiguous zone, or 24 nautical miles from its coast. And they are patrolling for a few days at a time, up from a few hours previously, according to Taiwan’s naval commander.

These are relatively new developments. Until August 2022 the PLA had operated mostly in Taiwan’s south and west, around the Bashi Channel between the island and the Philippines. Taiwan’s rugged east coast, home to aircraft hangars built underneath its mountains, was seen as safer and harder to reach from China. But that changed after a visit to the island that year by Nancy Pelosi, then a high-ranking American official. The trip enraged China and, soon after, the PLA conducted a mock blockade near Taiwan’s east. That sent a signal that the region was no longer safe. Now the PLA has normalised patrols there and regularly encircles the island by sea and air. It has also increased the number of navy transits through the Yonaguni channel between Taiwan and Japan.

Few people in Taiwan are aware of how close and regular the PLA patrols are. Since 2020 Taiwan’s defence ministry has published daily updates on air activity around the island, including maps of Chinese warplanes’ locations. In 2022 it added updates on the number of PLA naval vessels operating “around Taiwan”. But it does not specify what types of ships, where they go, or for how long. The government may be worried that too much disclosure would damage Taiwan’s public morale or economy, says Admiral Tang.

The PLA’s increased patrols are straining Taiwan’s navy. China has twice as many frigates and ten times as many destroyers. Taiwan often has to deploy 25-50% of its combat vessels just to match China’s patrols, according to Cheng-kun Ma and Tristan Tan, a pair of Taiwanese defence researchers. “They give you extreme pressure, pressure, pressure. They’re trying to exhaust you,” says Admiral Tang. A government audit found that more than half of Taiwan’s main warships had fallen behind on regular maintenance.

As the PLA Navy presses closer to the island, Taiwan is focused on avoiding confrontation. “The PLA is trying to force Taiwan to make mistakes,” says Admiral Tang, and looking for “excuses” to trigger a blockade. That is why Taiwan’s military leaders issued new rules of engagement this year that define ethical and legal use of force in self-defence: “We restrain our guys, not to provoke or escalate.”

Even as Taiwan’s armed forces practise restraint its leaders are working with allies on how to keep sea lines of communication open in case of a blockade. Taiwan is also seeking international help to resist Chinese pressure. Japan’s navy conducted a transit exercise through the Taiwan Strait for the first time in September, as did naval ships from Australia, New Zealand and Germany. America’s navy sails through it several times a year. The exercises send a signal to China that the strait is international territory. The Chinese authorities protest. But they show no sign of loosening the anaconda’s squeeze.

https://www.economist.com/asia/2024/10/03/china-is-using-an-anaconda-strategy-to-squeeze-taiwan?

Reply Quote

Date: 24/11/2024 12:18:23
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2218390
Subject: re: China Politics

Helping America’s hawks get inside the head of Xi Jinping
China’s leader is a risk-taker. How far will he go in confronting America?

Nov 21st 2024

AS DONALD TRUMP assembles his foreign-policy team, many of his picks display a common characteristic: they are strident China hawks. Those seeking a tougher approach towards America’s rival range from Mike Waltz, Mr Trump’s proposed national security adviser, to Marco Rubio, his nominee for secretary of state. Part of their job will be to grasp how relations have changed in the four years since the last Trump administration, a period in which the Chinese economy has sagged, tensions around Taiwan and in the South China Sea have grown, and the war in Ukraine has further divided the world’s biggest powers. When weighing up the risks Xi Jinping is prepared to take in his competition with America, new calculations are needed. Forming them must involve studying what motivates China’s leader.

A valuable tool is the vast body of literature purporting to have been written by Mr Xi. The number of volumes bearing his name, explaining his views on China’s main concerns at home and abroad, far exceeds that of books by Mr Trump or Mr Putin—or, indeed, previous Chinese leaders (see chart). According to an estimate by the China Media Project, he published 120 volumes in the first decade of his rule. This year at least nine have been added to the pile (“Excerpts from Xi Jinping’s Discourses on Natural Resources Work” is hot off the presses this month).

These books are tedious, but they are also important. They reflect the ideology that guides the party and show how Mr Xi is trying to reshape it to justify his distinctive approach to ruling the country and projecting Chinese power. In 2017, during Mr Trump’s first term, “Inside the Mind of Xi Jinping” by François Bougon, a French journalist, became the first critical book-length study of what is commonly known as “Xi Jinping Thought”. Mr Bougon argued that Mr Xi “manoeuvres, tinkers, and seeks his balance” between conflicting ideological forces in China. “There is no indication that he is the author of a coherent doctrine of his own.”

Analysts now have much more of Mr Xi’s thought to sift through. Among global statesmen, Kevin Rudd is rare in having undertaken this task. Mr Rudd was Australia’s prime minister between 2007 and 2010, when Mr Xi was China’s heir apparent, and again in 2013, after Mr Xi became leader. In a recent book, “On Xi Jinping: How Xi’s Marxist Nationalism is Shaping China and the World”, Mr Rudd, who is now his country’s ambassador to America, says “the outline of Xi’s brave new world is now hiding in plain sight for us all.” His bibliography lists well over 50 of Mr Xi’s books. More than a quarter were published after Mr Trump left the White House.

In Mr Rudd’s telling, ideology is the main impulse behind Mr Xi’s actions. China’s leader sees powerful historical forces leading to the decline of the West and the ineluctable rise of the East. The process can be hastened by a disciplined Communist Party that understands the dialectical process. In his pursuit of the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation” by 2049, when the party marks the centenary of its rule, a defining objective is “reunification” with Taiwan. Like his predecessors, Mr Xi does not rule out the use of force.

Mr Xi has steered China towards what Mr Rudd calls Marxist Nationalism. In other words, he has purged the party and strengthened its control, shifted economic policy away from market forces towards greater central planning, and embarked on a more bellicose foreign policy. In Mr Rudd’s view, Mr Xi would want to take Taiwan—ideally without a war—by the end of his fourth term in 2032. “The only thing that would prevent him would be effective and credible US, Taiwanese, and allied military deterrence—and Xi’s belief that there was a real risk of China losing any such engagement,” writes Mr Rudd.

Therein lies the rub. Who knows how Mr Xi would weigh up the risks? By surrounding himself with yes-men, he may have made it more difficult for dissenting views to percolate upwards. And Mr Xi is certainly a risk-taker. His purges of high-level officials, ostensibly for corruption, are a sign of that (millions must be quietly fuming at him). So are his displays of military muscle around Taiwan and shoals claimed by the Philippines. In both places a small clash could escalate. Even if Mr Xi’s behaviour so far has not been as reckless as Mr Putin’s, it may become more so.

Risk v endure
Yet Mr Xi’s writings (or those of his ghostwriters, overseen by Wang Huning, his chief ideologue and author of a gloomy book on the United States called “America against America”) are also laced with anxiety about threats to the party. He often urges officials to learn lessons from the Soviet Union’s collapse. In another book published this year, “The Political Thought of Xi Jinping”, Steve Tsang and Olivia Cheung of the School of Oriental and African Studies in London argue that Mr Xi’s ideology is mostly a cover. It is less about socialism and more about strengthening the party’s power. If the authors are right, it may suggest that Mr Xi’s focus is on preventing collapse. He would reckon that losing a war could trigger a regime-threatening backlash at home.

Indeed, it is far from clear that Mr Xi is really a Maoist or Marxist. Mao called for endless class struggle against bureaucratic elites and “capitalist roaders”. Mr Xi’s writings stress the need for stability. He has no truck even with protests by nationalists—there have been no large ones during his rule, unlike in preceding years.

In his handling of the economy, Mr Xi has scared entrepreneurs with his left-leaning talk. His “common prosperity” campaign, launched in 2021, raised the spectre of big new redistributive schemes. That effort coincided with a regulatory crackdown on large tech firms which smacked to some of an ideologically driven assault on the titans of private enterprise. But in the past year or two Mr Xi has been struggling to revive the economy. This has involved treating private firms with a softer touch and promoting high-tech manufacturing. It is hard to spot much in the way of socialism in his efforts. Some economists argue that more spending on welfare would help the economy by encouraging people to save less and spend more, but Mr Xi criticises doling out money for such purposes.

Two strands of Mr Xi’s thinking are far less in doubt to those who have studied him. One is his Leninism, meaning his emphasis on the party as an instrument of control. He blames the Soviet collapse on ideological laxity. He wants his officials to parrot well-worn doctrinal lines, rather than debate them.

The other strand is Mr Xi’s chest-thumping nationalism. The message conveyed by his works contrasts with that of Deng Xiaoping, who said China should “hide its capabilities and bide its time”. Mr Xi says China must move to the “centre of the global stage”. Some of Mr Trump’s picks for senior jobs believe this means more than a mere desire for great-power status (China has that already). “They are seeking to supplant us and they are seeking to replace democracy and capitalism with their one-party-form-of-rule techno-state,” said Mr Waltz last year.

Mr Xi is careful to avoid such language, but Mr Tsang and Ms Cheung agree that he wants global leadership. This is not “about taking over from the United States as the global hegemon, with all the baggage of US leadership”, they say. “It is also not about overtly overturning the liberal international order. The ultimate goal is to capture or ‘modernise and transform’ the international order into one that fits in with Xi’s thoughts.” That, clearly, would be a chilling world for democracy.

Yet for all the words Mr Xi has published, it is possible to misread them. “I sometimes worry that the sheer volume of Xi’s musings obfuscates more than it illuminates,” says Jonathan Czin, a former analyst of China at the CIA. “In China’s system, Xi is in effect both pope and emperor—responsible for ruling, as well as promulgating ideological justifications that read like an obscurantist theological treatise from the Middle Ages.”

As America and China struggle to make sense of each other during the new Trump era, misinterpretations will abound. That will make a fraught relationship all the more dangerous.

https://www.economist.com/china/2024/11/21/helping-americas-hawks-get-inside-the-head-of-xi-jinping?

Reply Quote

Date: 18/12/2024 21:40:04
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2227013
Subject: re: China Politics

China is already in deep trouble. Trump will make things worse

Stephen Bartholomeusz
Senior business columnist
December 17, 2024 — 11.58am

China’s final data dump for the year contained one optimistic note amid a set of economic numbers that showed the spate of actions its government and central bank have taken to boost activity this year is yet to gain traction.

That explains why its policymakers are considering a shift in economic strategy that had, until now, been considered unpalatable to Xi Jinping.

The mildly positive element of Monday’s release of economic data was that property prices in the major cities, while still sliding, are stabilising. New home prices fell 0.2 per cent in November, relative to October, while established home prices fell 0.35 per cent. Those are the smallest declines in about 18 months.

The three-year collapse of the property development sector, which has left a massive overhand of housing stock, has been at the heart of China’s recent economic woes. Stabilising the housing market is a prerequisite for stabilising the economy and escaping a deflationary trap.

The sector isn’t out of the woods yet. Property investment is down 10.4 per cent year-on-year, new residential property starts are down 23.1 per cent and completions 26 per cent. The silver lining in those numbers, however, is that while activity continues to fall, so does the scale of the addition to China’s residential property inventory.

The rest of the data wasn’t as encouraging. Retail sales slowed in November. In October, they were up 4.8 per cent year-on-year. Last month they rose only 3 per cent despite policy actions – trade-in incentives, subsidised finance and other measures – aimed at boosting consumption.

At the two-day Central Economic Committee Work Conference last week, the country’s senior officials promised to cut interest rates, boost government borrowing and expand the budget deficit. They made “lifting consumption vigorously” and stimulating domestic demand a priority.

External economists have been calling on Beijing to shift its focus from Xi’s “new productive forces” – a big lift in industrial production focused on advanced technologies – to stimulating consumption in order to end the 18 months of deflation China’s economy has experienced.

The “big bazooka” stimulus package hasn’t materialised. Xi apparently sees stimulating consumption as wasteful, but it may be on its way next year with officials looking at measures that would direct funds into households via an expansion of the coverage and the levels of reimbursement in health insurance schemes, more funding for education and increases in the basic pension.

The need to shift the balance within China’s economy will become even more pressing if Donald Trump, who has threatened to impose a new 10 per cent tariff on China if it doesn’t do more to stop the flow of fentanyl into the US, follows through on his bigger threat and slaps a 60 per cent tariff on all China’s exports to the US.

China has gone on a production and export binge in recent years, which is continuing. Industrial production was up 5.4 per cent in November, year-on-year, even though ex-factory prices have been falling for more than two years.

With domestic demand weak and the domestic economy unable to absorb the increased supply, factory output has been channelled into export markets, generating increasing tensions with China’s trade partners. It’s not just the US, with the European Union imposing substantial tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles and considering slapping duties on some of its other exports.

If China’s current export-driven model runs head-on into 60 per cent tariffs in the US, and Europe, fearful that even more Chinese goods will be headed its way, also moves to protect its domestic industries, the economic challenges for China would swell dramatically.

Chinese officials have made the point that a trade war would produce a “lose-lose” outcome – Donald Trump’s tariffs would be very damaging for the US economy and even more so if China retaliates – but China would be the biggest loser because it has become so reliant on exports.

Since the September policy announcements, the yuan has depreciated sharply against the US dollar, from 7.01 to the dollar to 7.28. That might help its exporters in the near term but can only add to the trade tensions. Trump has labelled China a “currency manipulator” in the past.

From comments of senior officials after the Central Economic Work Conference and an earlier meeting of China’s Politburo, it would appear that, if not the big bazooka, a still-substantial shift in policy will be attempted next year.

There will be further measures to try to stabilise the property and sharemarkets and to boost consumption, which headed the list of economic priorities for 2025.

Beijing has already moved, in September, to put a floor under stocks and property, refinance debt-laden local governments via a 10 trillion yuan ($2.2 trillion) debt swap, and recapitalise major banks and provide them with cheap funding so that they can lend more.

That was, however, more of an attempt to lower financial risk in China’s financial system than to lift consumption or boost consumer co

US president-elect Donald Trump is threatening to impose sweeping new tariffs on Mexico, Canada and China on his first day back in office.

It did have some temporary effects. The sharemarket soared almost 33 per cent in the few weeks after the measures were announced, and housing markets in the major cities do seem to have bottomed out.

The sharemarket, however, has fallen back about 8 per cent since its recent peak in early October (it’s down 33 per cent from its all-time high in February 2021), and non-bank demand for credit was at its lowest level for 15 years last month.

Hence, the reason that Beijing is looking to be more proactive and turning to a more expansive fiscal policy.

Stabilising the housing market is a prerequisite for stabilising the economy and escaping a deflationary trap.

The Politburo said after its meeting that it would adopt a “moderately loose” monetary policy rather than using the “prudent” policy language it has used since the 2008-09 financial crisis, signalling the extent of the shift in stance and the strength of the commitment to trying to boost domestic demand.

This year, the economy is probably going to achieve Beijing’s target for GDP growth of “around five per cent,” although the final number may have a 4 in front of it.

Given that, even without Trump’s tariffs, the economy is faltering, and Xi’s economic model and the export binge it has produced is spluttering as a result of the weak domestic demand and increasing headwinds offshore, the challenges next year will be even more threatening to growth.

If a new and more intense trade war does erupt, Xi and his party may have to consider a far more radical shift in economic strategies and policies to address the overcapacity and overproduction that already exists within their economy and which would be a far bigger threat to economic and social stability if China’s export markets shrink.

For Australia, of course, with Treasurer Jim Chalmers already warning of a $100 billion-plus hit to exports and an $8.5 billion impact on the budget’s bottom line over the next four years from the existing economic weakness in China, that kind of disruptive and painful restructuring of our biggest trading partner’s economy would be a particularly unpleasant outcome.

https://www.theage.com.au/business/the-economy/china-is-already-in-deep-trouble-trump-will-make-things-worse-20241217-p5kyvs.html?

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Date: 4/01/2025 20:32:57
From: Witty Rejoinder
ID: 2233112
Subject: re: China Politics

Fleeing Xi’s China: following the trail of migrants trying to reach Australia through Indonesia

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2024/dec/18/china-migrants-migration-route-indonesia-australia-ntwnfb?

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